ST.  PAUL  AND 
THE  MYSTERY-RELIGIONS 


ST.  PAUL  AND  THE 
MYSTERY-RELIGIONS 


H.  A.  A.  KENNEDY,  D.D.,  D.Sc. 

PROFESSOR  OF   NEW   TESTAMENT   LANGUAGE,   LITERATURE   AND   THEOLOGY 
NEW   COLLEGE,   EDINBURGH 


HODDER   AND    STOUGHTON 

NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 


)  J 


i 


fX 


TO  MY  WIFE 


PEEFACE 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  apologise  for  a  dis- 
cussion of  St.  Paul's  relation  to  the  Mystery- 
Keligions  of  his  Hellenistic  environment.  One 
of  the  most  noteworthy  features  in  the  trend  of 
contemporary  scholarship  is  the  interest  mani- 
fested by  philological  experts  in  the  phenomena 
of  that  extraordinary  religious  syncretism  which 
prevailed  in  the  Graeco-Roman  world  between 
300  B.C.  and  300  a.d.  Their  learned  and  instruc- 
tive investigations  touch  nascent  Christianity 
at  numerous  points,  and  raise  many  fascinating 
questions.  Obscure  places  in  early  Christian 
literature  are  being  illuminated,  and  the  New 
Testament  itself  has  much  to  gain  from  the  his- 
torical reconstruction  of  the  habits  of  thought 
and  beliefs  in  the  midst  of  which  it  came  into 


viii  PEEFACE 

being.  The  natural  tendency,  however,  of  ex- 
plorers in  remote  fields  is  to  over-estimate  the 
significance  of  their  discoveries.  This  tempta- 
tion, I  believe,  has  not  been  escaped  by  the 
pioneer  workers  in  the  province  of  Hellenistic 
religion.  And  their  readiness  to  look  in  that 
direction  for  the  source  of  various  important 
Christian  conceptions  has  been  encouraged  by 
the  ardour  of  those  theologians  who  find  in  the 
comparison  of  religions  the  main  clue  to  the  in- 
terpretation of  Christianity. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  chief  defect  in  the 
process  is  the  failure  to  be  sufficiently  rigorous 
in  the  application  of  the  historical  method. 
The  more  immediate  background  of  the  Christian 
faith  is  apt  to  be  strangely  neglected.  It  will 
appear  again  and  again  in  the  course  of  the 
present  investigation  that  the  Old  Testament 
supplies  a  perfectly  adequate  explanation  of 
ideas  and  usages  in  the  Epistles  of  Paul  which 
it  is  the  fashion  to  associate  with  Hellenistic 
influence.  Perhaps  Deissmann  may  be  charged 
with  over-statement  when  he  declares  that  "if 


PREFACE  ix 

we  are  to  understand  the  complete  Paul  from 
the  view-point  of  the  history  of  religion,  we 
must  grasp  the  spirit  of  the  Septuagint "  {PauluSy 
p.  70).  But  one  has  no  doubt  whatever  that 
this  assertion  sets  in  bold  relief  an  aspect  of 
the  situation  which  is  too  frequently  ignored. 

To  dismiss  the  view  that  the  Christianity  of 
Paul  is  a  syncretistic  religion  is  not,  however,  to 
close  one's  eyes  to  the  light  which  may  be  shed 
from  many  quarters  on  the  conditions  in  which 
he  accomplished  his  work  as  a  missionary.  And 
if  we  are  to  do  full  justice  to  his  own  famous 
statement,  "  I  have  become  all  things  to  all  men 
that  at  all  events  I  might  save  some,"  we  must 
recognise  his  willingness  to  put  himself  en 
7'apport  with  the  men  and  women  whom  he 
sought  to  win  for  Christ.  Hence  it  is  of  real 
value  to  understand  something  of  the  religious 
atmosphere  in  which  his  converts  had  lived  as 
Pagans,  if  we  are  to  grasp  the  more  delicate 
implications  both  of  his  thought  and  language 
in  those  Letters  which  answered  their  questions 
and  dealt  with  their  spiritual  dangers. 


X  PEEFACE 

I  have  not  hesitated  to  fill  in  somewhat  ela- 
borately the  religious  background  of  those  com- 
munities to  which  Paul  proclaimed  the  Gospel 
of  Jesus  Christ.  Otherwise,  the  full  significance 
of  the  Mystery-Religions  could  scarcely  be  ap- 
preciated. And  I  felt  that  unless  the  character 
and  influence  of  these  cults  themselves  were 
clearly  outlined  so  far  as  the  data  permitted,  it 
would  be  useless  to  discuss  the  Apostle's  relation 
to  them.  Perhaps  at  first  sight  the  sketch  of 
Jewish  mystical  phenomena  in  Chapter  II.  may 
appear  superfluous.  But  it  seemed  necessary  to 
indicate  forces  in  the  religious  history  of  Judaism 
sufficient  to  account  for  elements  in  Paul's  ex- 
perience which  could  not  easily  be  referred  to 
the  crisis  in  his  spiritual  life  and  required  no 
explanation  from  his  Hellenistic  environment.  I 
have  not  attempted  to  discuss  the  question  which 
Prof.  K.  Lake  has  emphasised  in  his  Earlier 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul :  To  what  extent  did  Paul's 
converts  from  Paganism  retain  their  earlier 
beliefs,  and  how  far  did  this  influence  affect 
their  conception  of  Christianity?     The  problem 


PEEFACE  xi 

is  one  of  real  moment  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
ecclesiastical  developments,  but  it  is  not  of  neces- 
sity involved  in  the  subject  of  this  investigation. 
The  larger  part  of  the  material  here  incorpor- 
ated appeared  in  a  series  of  studies  published  in 
the  Eocpositor  during  1912  and  the  earlier  part  of 
the  present  year.  My  cordial  thanks  are  due  to 
the  Editor  and  the  publishers  of  that  journal  for 
their  kind  permission  to  use  it.  All  of  it  has 
been  carefully  revised,  many  portions  re-written, 
and  many  expanded  as  the  result  of  further  re- 
search. The  frequent  references  throughout  the 
volume  to  the  literature  on  Hellenistic  religion  are 
evidence  of  my  indebtedness  to  many  scholars. 
If  1  have  constantly  been  obliged  to  differ  from 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  them,  Prof. 
R  Reitzenstein,  there  is  none  from  vrhom  I  have 
received  so  much  real  stimulus.  E.  Norden's 
elaborate  monograph,  Agnostos  Theos,  I  could 
only  use  while  my  book  was  passing  through  the 
press,  and  the  proofs  had  been  finally  corrected 
before  the  appearance  of  Clemen's  Der  Einfluss 
der  Mysterienreligionmi  aufalteste  Christentum. 


»i  PEEFACE 

I  am  under  deep  obligations  to  my  friend  and 
colleague,  Prof.  H.  E.  Mackintosh,  B.I).,  for 
helping  me  to  revise  the  proofs  and  giving  me 
the  benefit  of  many  valuable  suggestions. 


H.  A.  A.  KENNEDY. 


New  College,  Edinbubgh, 
July  5th,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTEE  I 


PkOIiEQOMENA 


Mystery-theory  of  Pauline  Christianity 

Hellenistic  Atmosphere  of  Paul's  Missionary  Labours 

Stoicism  as  a  Eeligious  Force 

Posidonius  and  Astral  Mysticism 

The  Orphic  Movement 

Its  Kelation  to  the  Dionysus-cult 

Oriental  Elements  in  Orphism     . 

Influence  of  Oriental  Cults  in  Hellenistic  Period 

Incipient  Gnosticism  ..... 


FAOS 

1 

3 
4 

6 
10 
13 
16 

18 
24 


CHAPTEE  II 
Jewish  Affinities  with  the  Mystery-Eeligions 


Paul's  Mysticism 

Mystic  Phenomena  in  Israel 


31 
33 


xiv  CONTENTS 

PAOE 

The  Spirit  of  Jahweh 34 

''Knowledge  "of  God 36 

Ecstatic  Conditions  in  Ezekiel 38 

Pneumatic  Experiences  in  Judaism  : — 

(a)  Apocalyptic  Literature    .         .         .         .         .39 

(b)  Rabbinic  Tradition  .....       44 
Rabbinic  Mysticism  and  Allegorical  Exegesis        .         .       51 

The  Hidden  Name 54 

Ethnic  Influence  on  Judaism       .         .         .         .         .57 
Philo .       64 


CHAPTER  III 

The  Characteb  and  Influbncb  op  the 
Mysteey- Religions 

Meagre  Data  regarding  Mystery-Religions   .         ,         .68 

Evidence  of  Inscriptions      ......  72 

Character  and  Diffusion  of  Religious  Associations          .  77 
Examination  of  Typical  Mystery- Religions : — 

(a)  Mysteries  of  Eleusis 81 

(b)  Mystery-cult  of  Cybele-Attia  ....  88 

(c)  Mysteries  of  Isis-Serapis          ....  95 

(d)  Hermetic  Mystery- Literature  ....  103 


CONTENTS  XV 

CHAPTEE  IV 

St.  Paul's  Relation  to  the  Terminology  of 
THE  Mystery-Religions 

PAGE 

Contact  of  Paul  with  Influence  of  Mystery-Religions  .  115 
Technical  Mystery- terms  in  the  Epistles  .  .  .117 
Does  Use  of  Terms  involve  Adoption  of  Underlying 

Ideas?  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .119 

fXVCTT'qpLOV       .........        123 

reXeioq  .........      130 

TTVeVfJUlTLKO^  aud  l/rv;(lKOS  .  .  .  .  .  .135 

irvevfia  in  Mystery-Documents 141 

TTvevfxaTLKo's  and  if/vxtKos  in  Mystery- Literature       .         .  142 
Reitzenstein   on    Two-fold    Personality    in    Mystery- 
Religions      145 

vovs  as  equivalent  to  irvevfxa 149 

Summary  of  Positions  Established       ....  151 

Paul's  Usage  in  the  Light  of  the  O.T 154 

Pneumatic  Experiences  in  Paul's  Environment     .         .159 

yi/wo-ts  and  dyvdio-La  in  Hermetic  Literature  .         .         .  162 

yvwo-ts  in  Paul 167 

aTTOKoXvi/'lS    .........         172 

"  Transformation "  in  Mystery- Religions       .         .         .     177 

h 


xvi     ,  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

"  Transformation "  in  Paul .         .         .         .         .         .180 

The  "  Spiritual  Organism  " 184 

cIkwv  and  So^a      ........     189 

<f><j)TL^€LV         .........      197 


CHAPTER  V 

St.  Paul  and  the  Centeal  Conceptions 
OP  the  Mystery- Religions 

Deification   by  Communion   with    Deity   as   Aim    of 

Mystery-Religions 199 

Various  Views  of  Communion  : — 

Partaking  of  the  Deity 200 

ivOova-iaa-fios  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  201 

Ecstasy       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  202 

Contemplation  and  Revelation       .         .         .         .  203 

Element- Mysticism 204 

Marriage -Symbolism     .         .         .         .         .         .  205 

Dying  to  Live 206 

Alleged  Parallels  between  Paul's  Conception  of  Christ 

and  Mystery-Deities 211 

Salvation   (Deification)   in    Mystery- Religions   and   in 

Paul 215 


CONTENTS  xvii 

PAGE 

Paul's  Conception  of   Regeneration   and   Communion 

with  Christ 220 

Depends  on  Faith  and  the  Spirit  .         .         .         .223 

Death  and  Resurrection  with  Christ  wholly  dififerent 

from  Mystery-Conceptions 225 


CHAPTER  VI 

Baptismal  Rites 

Rites  of  Purification  in  all  Ancient  Religions         .         .  229 

Meagre  Knowledge  of  these  in  Mystery-cults        .         .  229 

Connection  of  Baptism  with  Death  in  Egyptian  Papyrus  230 

Paul's  Conception  of  Baptism  alleged  to  be  Magical      .  232 

Paul's  Detachment  from  Ritual 234 

No  Contrary  Evidence  in  1  Cor.  x.  1  ff.        .         .         .235 

Secondary  Place  of  Sacraments  in  Paul        .         .         .  237 

Fundamental  Importance  of  the  Spirit         .         .         .  238 

Faith  as  Basis  of  the  New  Life 241 

Connection  in  Paul  between  Baptism  and  Death  to  Sin  244 

Significance  of  Baptism  for  Paul          ....  246 

Baptism  for  the  Dead .  253 

Conclusions         .        . 254 


xviii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTBE  VII 
Saobambntal  Meals 

PAGE 

Scanty  Evidence  for  Sacramental  Meals  in  Mystery- 
cults 256 

Significance  of  such  Meals 259 

Theories  of  Paul's  Conception  of  the  Lord's  Supper       .  261 

The  Pauline  Material 263 

1  Cor.  X.  1-5       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .265 

1  Cor.  X.  14-21 -  268 

1  Cor.  xi.  23  fif.    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .274 

CHAPTEE  VIII 

Conclusions 

The  Mystery-Eeligions  as  Part  of  Paul's  Environment .  280 

Paul  and  the  Mystery- Eitual 282 

The  "  Mysticism  "  of  Paul 284 

Supreme  Place  of  Faith  in  it 288 

Limits  of  Paul's  Mystical  Feeling         ....  291 
Criticism  of  Schweitzer's  Eschatologioal  Construction 

of  Pauline  Mysticism 294 

Conclusion 299 

Index 301 


CHAPTER  I 

PROLEGOMENA 

Ours  is  an  age  of  new  things.  In  no  province  is 
this  more  apparent  than  in  that  of  New  Testa- 
ment interpretation.  And  no  section  of  the  New 
Testament  continues  to  stimulate  more  revolu- 
tionary theories  than  the  Pauline  Epistles.  It  is 
true  that  discussions  of  authenticity  have  lost  the 
importance  assigned  to  them  by  scholars  of  the 
earlier  time,  like  Baur,  or  by  later  critical  inves- 
tigators, like  Van  Manen.  The  emphasis  has 
been  shifted.  The  primary  question  at  issue  is 
the  essential  nature  of  St.  Paul's  view  of  the 
Christian  faith. 

The  answers  given  to  the  question  are  extra- 
ordinarily divergent.  Scholars  of  the  calibre  of 
Holtzmann  and  Deissmann  are  still  convinced 
that  the  clue  to  Pauline  Christianity  is  to  be  found 
in  the  apostle's  experience  of  conversion.  A. 
Schweitzer,  in  his  recently  published  Geschichte 
der  Paiilinischen    ForscJmng    (Tubingen,    1911), 


,Si  v:  :  PBOLEGOMENA 

believes  that  Paul's  doctrine  is  *'  simply  and  ex- 
clusively eschatologicar'  (p.  190).  For  Loisy, 
Paul  has  been  the  chief  factor  in  transforming 
the  original  Gospel  of  Jesus  into  *'  a  religion  of 
mystery  ".  Professor  K.  Lake  holds  that  "  Christ- 
ianity .  .  .  was  always,  at  least  in  Europe,  a 
mystery-religion ''  {Earliei*  Epistles  of  St.  Paul, 
p.  215),  and  his  statement  that  "  Baptism  is,  for 
St.  Paul  and  his  readers,  universally  and  unques- 
tionably accepted  as  a  'mystery,'  a  sacrament 
which  works  ex  opere  operato  "  (p.  385),  along 
with  others  of  the  same  drift,  suggests  that  the 
Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  played  a  prominent  part 
in  creating  such  a  type  of  Christianity. 

It  is  obvious  that  if  this  mystery-theory  of 
Pauline  Christianity  can  be  established,  many 
of  our  fundamental  ideas  regarding  the  Apostle's 
religious  outlook  will  need  to  be  transformed. 
We  must  courageously  face  such  a  transformation 
if  the  facts  demand  it.  In  the  following  chapters 
we  propose  to  examine  some  of  the  available 
evidence  and  to  ascertain  how  far  it  leads. 

It  is  impossible,  however,  to  appreciate  the 
influences  to  which  St.  Paul  and  his  converts  were 
exposed,  without  attempting  briefly  to  sketch,  in 
the  light  of  recent  research,  certain  aspects  of  the 


PEOLEGOMENA  3 

religious  atmosphere  of  the  Hellenistic  world,  at 
the  time  when  the  new  faith  began  to  be  propa- 
gated throughout  the  Roman  Empire.  It  is  need- 
less to  say  that  here  we  are  supremely  indebted 
to  the  investigations  of  Cumont,  P.  Wendland, 
Reitzenstein,  Bousset,  and  Dieterich.  We  shall 
discuss  in  turn  the  religious  revival  associated 
with  Stoicism,  more  especially  those  elements  in 
it  which  may  be  largely  attributed  to  the  famous 
Stoic-Peripatetic,  Posidonius  ;  the  Orphic  strain 
so  widely  diffused  over  the  Hellenistic  area  ;  cer- 
tain influential  tendencies  prominently  at  work 
in  those  Oriental  cults  which  began  to  press  west- 
wards ;  and,  finally,  various  significant  features 
of  current  (popular)  religion  which,  for  conveni- 
ence' sake,  may  be  grouped  under  the  designa- 
tion of  Earlier  Gnosticism.  It  will  often  be 
difficult  to  draw  sharp  lines  of  division  between 
those  divergent  but  related  phases  of  religious 
thought  and  aspiration. 

It  has  long  since  been  recognised  that  Stoicism  ^ 

^By  "Stoicism"  we  mean  that  phase  of  development  in 
the  Stoic  school  which  had  become  highly  eclectic,  adopting 
to  a  large  extent  Platonic  conceptions,  more  particularly  in  its 
idea  of  God.  See  Wendland,  Die  t(,rchristlichen  Literatur- 
formefi,  p.  397,  note  2. 


4  PEOLEGOMENA 

contributed  many  of  the  elements  best  fitted  to 
satisfy  popular  cravings  at  the  time  when  the 
national  faiths  of  the  Graeco-Roman  world  were 
falling  to  pieces.  The  general  drift  towards  a 
more  or  less  vague  monotheism  was  accelerated 
by  a  process,  mediated  at  least  in  great  measure 
by  prominent  Stoic  teachers.  This  was  the 
transformation  of  earHer  deities,  with  the  help  of 
the  allegorical  method,  into  a  hierarchy  of  hypos- 
tases of  the  supreme  Divinity.  Many  of  the 
Hellenistic  speculations  dealing  with  vovs,  Xdyo?, 
(To^ia,  etc.,  have  their  origin  in  this  circle  of 
thought,  and  the  bizarre  outcome  is  apparent  in 
the  more  fully  developed  Gnostic  systems.  This 
type  of  theologising  had  a  special  attractiveness 
from  the  Stoic  point  of  view.  On  the  one  hand, 
the  trained  intellect  regarded  the  abstractions  re- 
ferred to  as  attributes  of  the  highest  Deity,  or  as 
beings  having  a  quasi-independent  existence  be- 
side Deity.^  In  this  aspect  they  did  not  con- 
tradict the  fundamental  pantheism  of  Stoic 
thought.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  sure  to 
be  interpreted  by  the  popular  mind  as  separate 
divinities,  belonging  to  a  purer  mythology  than 
that  which  it  had  discarded.  But,  in  effect, 
^  See  Bousset,  Haiiptprobleme  der  Gliosis,  pp.  234,  235. 


PKOLEGOMENA  5 

they  ministered  to  a  far  higher  religious  ideal 
than  the  earlier,  just  because  their  function  was 
to  lead  men's  minds  beyond  themselves  to  the 
Divine  Source  from  which  they  had  emanated, 
and  apart  from  which  they  had  no  real  exist- 
ence. 

This  effort  of  Stoicism,  however,  was  not  merely 
an  artifice.  It  was  not  merely  a  compromise 
between  truth  and  error,  intended  to  preserve 
what  was  useful  in  the  beliefs  of  the  masses, 
while  paving  the  way  for  a  higher  type  of  religion. 
Through  the  instrumentality,  mainly,  of  Oriental 
teachers,  the  doctrine  came  to  be  associated  with 
a  Mysticism  which  had  far-reaching  influence. 
An  important  feature  of  the  transformation-pro- 
cess which  we  have  described  was  the  metamor- 
phosis of  the  elements  of  the  kosmos  into  Divine 
forces.  Of  course  we  are  here  reminded  of  an 
original  element-worship,  e.g,,  in  Babylonia  and 
Persia.  In  that  quarter  of  Asia,  also,  from  the 
most  primitive  times,  the  worship  of  the  starry 
heavens  had  not  only  been  an  all-powerful  feature 
in  practical  religion,  but  had  gradually  been  de- 
veloped by  a  learned  priesthood  on  theoretical 
lines.  The  development  seems  to  have  been 
conditioned  by  the  advancing  knowledge  of  astron- 


6  PKOLEGOMENA 

omy,  so  that  gradually  there  emerged  a  notable 
combination  between  science  and  faith.  But  the 
ancient  Chaldaean  worship  passed  into  a  new 
phase  under  the  influence  of  Hellenised  Orientals, 
and,  pre-eminently,  of  Posidonius,  the  renowned 
Stoic  of  Apamea  in  Syria. 

The  acute  investigations  of  scholars  like  Cumont 
and  Wendland  have  succeeded  in  demonstrating 
that  Posidonius  was  perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
figure  of  the  transition  period  between  the  old 
era  and  the  new.  Cumont  describes  him  ^  as 
a  scholar  of  encyclopaedic  knowledge,  a  rhetori- 
cian of  a  rich  and  harmonious  style,  the  builder 
of  "  a  vast  system  whose  summit  was  the  adora- 
tion of  that  God  who  penetrates  the  universal 
organism  and  manifests  Himself  with  clearest 
purity  and  radiance  in  the  brightness  of  the 
stars  ".  Posidonius  was  probably  supreme  among 
those  Platonising  Stoic  teachers  who  Hberated 
the  abstruse  and  formal  astral  worship  from  the 
domain  of  the  purely  intellectual,  and  wedded  it 
to  the  highest  emotions.    For  him  a  reverent  con- 

^  Le  Mysticisme  astral,  Bulletin  de  la  Classe  des  Lettres, 
Aoad.  Eoyale  de  Belgique,  1909,  5,  p.  259 ;  Astrology  and 
Beligion,  p.  83  ff. 


PEOLEGOMENA  7 

templation  of  the  heavens  culminated  in  a  mystic 
ecstasy.^  The  soul  which  is  stirred  to  its  depths 
by  the  vision  of  the  starry  sky  is  itself  akin  to 
that  upon  which  it  gazes.  For  it  was  a  Stoic 
doctrine  that  the  soul  is  a  fragment  detached 
from  the  cosmic  fires.  Like  is  drawn  to  like. 
The  rapture  of  contemplation  becomes  real  com- 
munion. The  gazer  is  possessed  by  a  divine  love. 
He  cannot  rest  until  he  participates  in  the  divinity 
of  those  living,  sparkling  beings  above.  And  the 
experience  is  intimately  associated  with  ethical 
purity.  Thus,  the  astrological  writer,  Vettius 
Valens,  page  242,  15  (ed.  Kroll)  :  ''  I  desired  to 
obtain  a  divine  and  adoring  contemplation  of  the 
heavens  and  to  purify  my  ways  from  wickedness 
and  all  defilement ".  In  an  impressive  passage 
Cumont  contrasts  the  calm  ecstasy  of  this  sid- 
ereal mysticism  with  the  delirious  transports  of 
Dionysiac  worship.^ 

Its  influence  on  Hellenistic  religious  thought 
was  very  notable.     It  seems  practically  certain  ^ 

1  Cumont,  Astrology  and  Beligio7ij  pp.  140-5. 

2  Le  Mysticisme  astral,  pp.  268,  269. 

2  Apelt,  De  rationibus  quibusdam  quae  Philoni  Alexandrino 
cum  Posidonio  inter cedunt. 


8  PROLEGOMENA 

that  Philo  was  largely  indebted  to  Posidonius 
in  some  of  his  finest  mystical  ideas/  and 
numerous  echoes  of  his  doctrine  are  found,  e.g.,  in 
Cicero  and  Seneca.  One  of  the  most  convincing 
proofs  of  the  religious  domination  of  Posidonius 
appears  in  the  pseudo-Aristotelian  treatise  irepi 
Koa-fjiov,  which  has  been  carefully  investigated  by 
W.  Capelle.^  The  book  is  a  document  of  the 
current  popular  philosophy,  probably  dating  from 
the  beginning  of  the  second  century  a.d.  The 
author  begins  with  a  survey  of  the  realm  of 
nature,  dealing  with  various  sciences,  such  as 
meteorology  and  geography.  But  the  treatise 
reaches  its  climax  in  what  is  a  truly  religious 
meditation  upon  the  harmony  of  the  kosmos  in 
God,  from  whom  and  through  whom  all  has  its 
being.^  We  may  note  in  passing  the  tendency  of 
the  semi-philosophical  literature  of  the  period  to 
define  in  this  way  the  relationship  of  the  con- 
stituents of  man  or  the  universe  to  God.  So 
Plutarch,  Quaestiones  Platonicae,  ii.,  2  :  "  Now  the 
soul  [of  the  universe]  has  come  into  being  not  by 

^  See  an  instructive  conspectus  of  passages  in  the  appendix 
to  Cumont,  o^.  cii.^  pp.  281,  282. 

2  JVewe  Jahrh.  /.  Ula^s,  Altert.,  1905,  pp.  529-568. 
^  See  especially  op,  cit,  pp.  556,  563. 


PEOLEGOMENA  9 

Him  (vir  avTov)  but  actually  from  Him  (oltt  avTov) 
and  out  of  Him  (e^  avrov) ".  The  facts  suggest 
that  Paul  is  using  current  phrases  in  various 
passages  such  as  1  Cor.  viii.  6  :  "  One  God  the 
Father,  from  whom  (ef  ov)  are  all  things  and  we 
unto  Him,  and  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through 
whom  are  all  things  and  we  through  Him  ".^ 
Here,  therefore,  there  is  presented  a  religious  view 
of  the  world,  based  on  a  virtual  monotheism, 
which  can  be  traced  back  to  Posidonius'  re- 
shaping of  the  ancient  astral  worship  of  Babylon 
by  means  of  Stoic-Platonic  conceptions. 

We  have  emphasised  this  remarkable  strain 
of  thought  in  St.  Paul's  Hellenistic  environment 
because,  while  in  certain  situations  it  would 
inevitably  be  bound  up  with  the  ritual  of  a  cult,'^ 
it  bears  witness  to  the  existence  of  a  yearning 
for  communion  with  God,  which  could  be  felt  and 
expressed  without  the  aid  of  sensuous  ceremonies 
which  are  so  often  scarcely  distinguishable  from 
magic. 

But  the  development  of  religious  ideas,  highly 
important  in  their  bearing  on  the  appeal  of 
the  Chiistian  mission,  had  been  proceeding  in 
another  direction.     This  was  distinctly  ritual  in 

1  See  especially  the  rich  collection  of  material  in  Norden's 
Agnostos  Theos,  pp.  240-250. 

2  W©  know,  e.g,,  that  Posidonius  believed  in  divination. 


10  PBOLEGOMENA 

its  origin,  and  probably  continued  all  along  to  be 
associated  with  mystic  rites.  Plato/  in  one  of 
his  most  remarkable  speculations  on  the  destiny 
of  the  soul  [Phcjedo,  69  C),  speaks  of  '^  those  who 
established  our  mysteries  "  as  affirming  in  par- 
ables ''  that  whosoever  comes  to  Hades  unini- 
tiated and  profane  will  lie  in  the  mire  :  while  he 
that  has  been  purified  and  initiated  shall  dwell 
with  the  gods.  For  '  the  thyrsus-bearers  (vapOrj- 
Ko^opoi)  are  many,'  as  they  say  in  the  mysteries, 
*  but  the  inspired  (^a/cxoi)  few  '."  This  reference 
is  assigned  by  early  commentators  to  that  cycle 
of  thought  known  as  Orphism.  Probably  such 
passages  as  Phcedo,  70  C,  and  Phcedrus,  350  C, 
have  a  similar  bearing.  Indeed  Prof.  Taylor 
suggests  that  wherever  we  meet  Ipcos  in  Plato 
we  are  face  to  face  with  Orphic  influence.  The 
origins  of  Orphism  are  shrouded  in  obscurity. 
Miss  J.  E.  Harrison,  in  her  fascinating  exposition 
of  the  Orphic  movement,^  collects  and  empha- 
sises the  ancient  evidence  for  the  historicity  of 
Orpheus,  *'  a  real  man,  a  mighty  singer,  a  prophet 
and  a  teacher,  bringing  with  him  a  new  religion, 

^  Prof.  Burnet  would  say  Socrates.     See  the  introduction 
to  his  recently  published  edition  of  the  Phcsdo. 

'  Prolegomena  to  the  Study  of  Greek  Beligio^i,  pp.  455-659. 


PBOLEGOMENA  11 

seeking  to  reform  an  old  one  "  {op.  cit.,  p.  470). 
While  her  arguments  on  the  point  are  not  con- 
vincing, it  is  plain  that  from  the  sixth  century 
B.c/  there  had  been  a  remarkable  re-moulding  of 
certain  central  elements  in  the  older  Dionysus- 
worship  which  was  to  have  far-reaching  influence 
in  the  Hellenistic  world.  This  refining  of  grosser 
ideas  is  found  embodied  in  mystic  doctrines  im- 
parted to  the  initiated. 

The  writers  on  Greek  religion  often  speak  of 
Orphic  sects  or  communities.  These  were  bound 
together  by  their  theological  beliefs.^  Behind 
their  theology  seems  to  have  lain  the  famous 
myth  of  the  rending  of  Zagreus  (a  Chthonian 
designation  of  Dionysus),  son  of  Zeus  and  Per- 
sephone, by  the  Titans,  in  the  form  of  a  bull. 
They  devour  the  various  parts,  but  the  heart  is 
rescued  by  Athene,  and  given  to  Zeus  who  swal- 
lows it.  From  him  springs  tlie  new  Dionysus, 
the  son  of  Semele,  and  Zagreus  comes  to  life 
again  in  him.  Zeus  blasts  the  Titans  by  a 
lightning-flash.  From  their  ashes  there  arises 
the  race  of  men  who  thus  possess  a  good  ele- 
ment, handed  down  from  Dionysus-Zagreus,  and 

1  Cf.  Rohde,  Psyche,^  ii.,  p.  105  ff. 
^  See  Bohde,  op.  cit.,  ii.,  p.  Ill  ff. 


12  PEOLEGOMENA 

an  evil  from  the  Titans.  The  myth  symbolises 
the  dividing  up  of  the  Divine  unity  by  evil  forces 
into  the  Manifold  of  this  world's  forms.  That 
unity  is  restored  in  the  new  Dionysus-Zagreus. 
The  task  of  man  is  "  to  shake  himself  free  from 
the  evil  (Titanic)  element  of  his  nature  and  to 
return  in  purity  to  the  God  to  whom  he  owes  a 
vital  part  of  his  being  ".^  This  will  mean  above 
all  else  deliverance  of  the  soul  from  the  prison- 
house  of  the  body.  That  can  only  be  a  gradual 
process.  For  the  soul  is  subject  to  re-incarna- 
tions. Finally,  through  mystic  ritual  and  a  life 
of  ascetic  purity,  he  will  be  enabled  to  escape  from 
the  wheel  of  births.  The  Orphic  tablets  found  in 
Southern  Italy  '^  bear  out  the  references  in  Greek 
authors  to  a  connection  between  Orphic  doctrine 
and  Pythagoreanism.  This  connection  has  been 
suggestively  dealt  with  by  Mr.  F.  M.  Cornford  in 
his  recent  study,  From  Religion  to  Philosophy  (see 
especially  pp.  180,  198-200).  He  believes  that 
"  as  Orphism  was  a  reformation  of  Dionysian 
religion,  so  Pythagoreanism  may  be  regarded 
as  a  further  reformation  of  Orphism  ".     Orphic 

^  See  Rohde,  op.  cit.,  ii.,  p.  121. 

2  See  Prof.  Gilbert  Murray's  appendix  to  Miss  Harrison's 
Prolegomena. 


PEOLEGOMENA  13 

theology  had  been  specially  concerned  with  the 
salvation,  by  rites  of  purification,  of  the  individual 
soul.  As  this  individualism  became  more  pro- 
nounced, "  the  Orphic  could  no  longer  find  a  com- 
plete satisfaction  in  the  immediate  union  with 
his  God  in  orgiastic  ecstasy  :  his  Way  of  Right- 
eousness was  a  long  and  painful  round  of  ritual 
forms,  which  easily  degenerated  into  external 
observances  ".  Pythagoras  rekindled  the  mystic 
faith  inherent  in  Orphism  by  transforming  the 
cult  into  a  way  of  life.  He  substituted  for  ritual 
cleansing  a  purification  by  means  of  the  "  pursuit 
of  wisdom  "  ((^tXoa-o<^ta),  while  still  retaining  cer- 
tain elements  of  the  Orphic  da-KrjaLs.  Much  that 
is  hypothetical  must  enter  into  any  reconstruction 
of  this  kind.  But  its  general  truth  is  at  various 
points  corroborated  by  the  Pythagorean  elements 
which  appear  in  the  Syinposium,  the  Phwdo^  the 
Republic^  and  the  Phwdrus  of  Plato. ^ 

For  our  purpose  the  relation  of  Orphism  to  the 
Dionysus-cult  is  of  primary  imjxjrtance.  Both 
had  apparently  come  to  Greece  by  way  of  the 
north.  Fundamental  for  the  Dionysiac  religion 
was  the  delusions  frenzy,  common  to  all  orgiastic 

^  See  especially  Prof.  A.  E.  Taylor's  brilliant  essay  on  "  The 
Impiety  of  Socrates,"  Varia  Socratica,  i.,  pp.  1-39. 


14  PEOLEGOMENA 

ritual,  in  which  the  votary  believed  himself  to  be 
possessed  by  his  deity.  See  Euripides,  Bacchm 
(ed.  Wecklein),  300  f.  :— 

orav  yap  6  Otos  et?  to  crw/x'  e\Or)  ttoXvs, 
Xcycii/  TO  fX€X.\ov  TOV9  fitfxyjvoTa^  iroiii. 

The  union  was  felt  to  be  so  complete  that  the 
person  possessed  came  to  be  called  by  the  name 
of  the  god.  To  attain  this  condition  was  vir- 
tually to  share  in  the  immortal  life  of  the  divinity. 
And  no  doubt,  even  in  the  crudest  form  of  their 
ivOovcTLaa-fjios,  in  which  the  worshippers  identified 
the  bull  which  they  slew  and  devoured  raw  with 
the  god  himself,  there  were  dim  hints  of  a  craving 
for  a  life  which  should  defy  the  restrictions  of 
mortality.  The  Orphic  sects  seem  to  have  ad- 
hered more  or  less  closely  to  the  Dionysiac  ritual, 
but  they  liberated  it  from  savage  excesses,  ele- 
vating its  central  conception  of  union  with  the 
god,  and,  as  a  preparation  for  this  highest  religious 
attainment,  inculcating  a  life  of  austere  purity. 
We  cannot  share  in  Miss  Harrison's  certainty 
as  to  a  personal  Orpheus,  but  there  is  probably 
abundant  truth  in  her  statement  (which  will  apply 
to  the  action  of  a  community  as  well  as  to  that 
of  an  individual) :  "  The  great  step  that  Orpheus 


PKOLEGOMENA  15 

took  was  that,  while  he  kept  the  old  Bacchic  faith 
that  man  might  become  a  god,  he  altered  the 
conception  of  what  a  god  was,  and  he  sought  to 
obtain  that  godhead  by  wholly  different  means. 
The  grace  he  sought  was  not  physical  intoxication, 
but  spiritual  ecstasy ;  the  means  he  adopted  not 
drunkenness,  but  abstinence  and  rites  of  purifica- 
tion."^ 

It  is  possible  that  Orphism  had  cultivated  an 
ascetic  life  before  its  association  with  the  religion 
of  Dionysus.  But  from  this  time  onwards  the 
significance  of  its  cathartic  ritual  and  practice 
has  a  new  emphasis.  Purity,  as  we  have  seen,  is 
needful  in  order  to  be  set  free  from  the  ''  cycle  of 
generation  "  (/cv/cXo?  rrj^  yevecreco^;).  It  takes  the 
form  especially  of  oa-iOTrj';,  consecration.  The  man 
who  is  fully  initiated  in  the  Orphic  rites  is  oa-ioiOei^. 
What  that  involves  is  suggested  by  the  mystic 
formulae  of  the  Compagno  tablet.  In  answer  to 
the  confession  of  the  mystic  :  "  Out  of  the  pure  I 
come.  .  .  .  For  I  also  avow  me  that  I  am  of  your 
blessed  race.  ...  I  have  flown  out  of  the  sorrow- 
ful weary  wheel  ...  I  have  passed  with  eager 
feet  from  the  circle  desired,"  the  assurance  is 
given :  "  Happy  and  blessed  one,  thou  shalt  be 
1  Op.  cit.,  p.  477. 


16  PEOLEGOMENA 

god  instead  of  mortal  "/  That  these  cathartic 
rites  were  often  degraded  there  is  evidence  in 
many  Greek  writers,  e.g.^  Plato,  Republ,  364  E  : 
''They  [i.e.,  those  whom  in  364  B  he  names 
*  mendicant  prophets  ']  produce  a  host  of  books 
written  by  Musaeus  and  Orpheus,  according  to 
which  they  perform  their  ritual,  and  persuade  not 
only  individuals,  but  whole  cities,  that  expiations 
and  atonements  for  sin  may  be  made  by  sacrifices 
and  amusements  which  fill  a  vacant  hour,  and  are 
equally  at  the  service  of  the  living  and  the  dead  ". 
Apparently  the  purifying  priest  was  able  to  carry 
on  a  lucrative  business  among  the  credulous,  and 
his  ritual  was  mixed  up  with  all  manner  of  super- 
stition and  trickery.  But  that  is  a  feature  involved 
in  the  history  of  all  religious  movements.  The 
new  emphasis  on  purity  was  destined  to  make 
an  ever- widening  appeal,  and  to  rank  as  one  of 
the  most  impressive  factors  in  the  evolution  of 
Hellenic  religion. 

It  is  possible  that  from  the  beginning  the  Orphic 
Theogonies,  of  which  fragments  have  survived, 
contained  Oriental  elements  (Babylonian  ?).  Eisler 
argues  for  the  direct  influence  of  Persian  religion 
which  came  into  touch  with  Ionian  colonies 
^  J.  E.  Harrison,  op.  city  p.  586. 


PROLEGOMENA  17 

in  Asia   Minor  in  the   sixth   century  b.g.^     In 
the  course  of   their  diffusion  these  Theogonies 
were  confronted  with  the  various  types  of  Oriental 
speculation.     So  that  by  the  opening  centuries  of 
our  era  Orphism  had  been  swept  into  that  many- 
sided  syncretistic  movement  which  must  be  re- 
garded as  the  source  of  the  main  currents  and 
systems  of  belief  usually  designated  by  the  safely 
indefinite  title  of  Gnosticism.     There  is  enough 
evidence  to  indicate  that  from  the  sixth  century 
B.C.  onwards  the  Orphic  strain  of  religion  had 
never  died  out.     The  collection  of  hymns  which 
is  extant,^  and  whose  redaction  in  its  present  form 
is  assigned  by  Dieterich  ^  to  the  second  century 
A.D.,  contains  elements  of  high  antiquity.     But 
in  the  Hellenistic  period  Orphism  received  new 
life   through   its   touch  with   Eastern  cults.     It 
enriched  them  and  was   enriched   by   them   in 
turn.* 

1  See  his  Weltenmantel  wnd  Himmelszeltj  vol.  ii.,  passim. 

2  Orphica,  ed.  Abel. 

2  Abraxas,  p.  31.  But  Eisler  and  others  would  date  the 
"  Theogony  "  at  least  as  far  back  as  the  Persian  wars  or  even 
earlier. 

*  On  its  contact  with  Phrygian  cults,  see  Eisele,  Neiie  Jahrb. 
/  klass.  Altert.,  1909,  p.  630. 

2 


18  PKOLEGOMENA 

In  this  movement,  which  struck  its  roots  in  a 
typically  Hellenic  soil,  it  is  evident  that  genuinely 
religious  aspirations  emerged,  intimately  asso- 
ciated with  purifying  rites  and  mystic  initiation. 
In  the  various  combinations  which  it  would  form 
it  must  have  been  pervasively  present  in  St. 
Paul's  spheres  of  operation.  But  we  must  now 
turn  to  certain  features  of  primary  importance  in 
those  Oriental  cults,  with  which  Orphism  had 
many  affinities,  features  contributed  by  them  to 
the  environment  of  the  Pauline  mission.  In  a 
later  chapter  we  shall  sketch  more  in  detail  the 
main  characteristics  of  the  Mystery-Religions  of 
Hellenism,  with  which  terms  and  ideas  in  the 
Epistles  of  Paul  have  been  brought  into  definite 
relation. 

In  view  of  the  fragmentary  nature  of  our 
sources  it  is  often  easier  to  point  to  a  distinctively 
Oriental  phase  of  religious  faith  or  practice  than 
to  analyse  its  component  parts,  au^assign  their 
origin.  The  task,  moreover,  is  endlessly  com- 
plicated by  the  dominant  syncretism  of  the  Hel- 
lenistic period.  No  more  crucial  example  could 
be  found  than  that  of  Egypt.  Apart  altogether 
from  the  influence  of  primitive  Egyptian  doc- 
trines, which  has  certainly  been  exaggerated  by 


PKOLEGOMENA  19 

Reitzenstein^  in  his  investigations  of  the  Hermetic 
literature,  but  which  must  surely  be  reckoned 
with,  there  appear  the  phenomena  of  Babylonian 
theology,  such  as  the  conception  of  the  seven 
spheres  and  the  sway  of  the  planets,^  along  with 
the  related  belief  in  diiapiievq,  that  fatalism  which 
has  mysticism  as  its  counterpart.^  Here  also  are 
found  the  curious  dogma  of  the  Heavenly  Man, 
whose  origin  is  lost  in  the  mists  of  antiquity,  the 
typically  syncretistic  cult  of  Osiris-Serapis  and 
Isis,  and  the  elaborate  practice  of  magic,  with  its 
quaint  apparatus  of  efficacious  "■  names  ".  In 
this  whirlpool  of  ideas,  too,  may  be  discerned  the 
elements  of  confusing  Gnostic  systems. 

The  fact,  however,  of  Oriental  influence  on  the 
Hellenistic  civilisation  which  grew  up  from  the 
time  of  Alexander's  conquests,  is  perhaps  the  most 
vital  which  confronts  us  in  attempting  to  under- 
stand its  religious  developments.  Various  aspects 
of  the  situation  claim  attention.  It  need  not  sur- 
prise us  that  forces  of  mighty  potency  in  religion, 

^  See  especially  W.  Otto's  Priester  u.  Tempel  im  Hellen- 
istischen  Aegypten,  ii.,  pp.  218-224  (with  the  notes),  and 
KroU's  art.  "Hermes  Trismegistos  "  in  Pauly-Wissowa,  B.E. 
(Neue  Bearb.,  ed.  Kroll),  viii.  1,  sp.  792  ff. 

2  For  the  connection  of  the  planetary  spirits  with  demons, 
see  Bousset,  op.  cit.,  p.  54  f. 

2  See  Reitzenstein,  Poimandres,  pp.  70  f.,  77  f.,  79. 


20  PEOLEGOMENA 

as  in  all  other  spheres  of  human  thought  or 
achievement/  pressed  in  from  the  East.  For  in 
Egypt,  Syria,  and  Asia  Minor,  an  intellectual  life 
was  pulsing  to  which  there  was  no  parallel  in  the 
Western  world  at  the  beginning  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  Science,  literature,  industry,  were  in 
this  era  the  province  of  Orientals,  not  of  Greeks 
or  Romans.^  And,  moreover,  as  Cumont  has  im- 
pressively put  it,  "if  the  triumph  of  Oriental 
cults  appears  at  times  like  a  revival  of  savagery, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  in  the  evolution  of  religious 
forms,  these  cults  represent  a  more  advanced  type 
than  the  ancient  national  devotions  ".^ 

There  were  many  features  of  Oriental  belief 
and  worship  which  possessed  a  fascination  for  the 
Grseco-Roman  world.  A  halo  of  reverence  sur- 
rounded the  mystic  lore  emanating  from  the 
East.  Thus,  e.g.,  the  Egyptian  priesthood  was 
supposed  to  have  preserved  in  greater  purity  the 
earliest  rites  of  Divine  worship.  Chaldaeans 
and  Brahmins  stood  closer  to  the  origins  of  things 
than  Greeks  or  Romans.*    And  the  Gospel  which 

^  Except,  perhaps,  the  military  and  legal,  see  Eisele,  op. 
cit,  p.  633. 

2  See  Cumont,  Les  Beligions  Orientales,'^  pp.  8-14. 

3  Op.  cit.,  p.  40. 

*  See  Anrich,  Das  antike  Mysterienwesen,  p.  36. 


PEOLEGOMENA  21 

Paul  preached  could  count  on  this  predilection  in^ 
its  favour.  But  such  a  conviction  would  not  have 
sufficed  to  extend  the  sway  of  exotic  faiths.  As 
Reitzenstein  has  cogently  shown,  the  influence 
of  Oriental  cults  throughout  the  Roman  Empire 
became  intensely  personal.  Perhaps  this  was 
partly  the  result  of  a  zealous  propaganda.^  But 
it  was  involved  in  the  very  method  of  the  pro- 
paganda. This  was  carried  on  by  priests  who 
travelled  hither  and  thither,  bearing  a  message  of 
hope,  which  was  often  delivered  in  ecstatic  utter- 
ances.^ These  would  impress  audiences  accus- 
tomed to  a  cold  and  formal  ceremonial.  Moreover, 
when  they  won  the  interest  of  yearning  souls,  they 
played  upon  them  by  the  weird  rites  of  mystic 
initiation.  Every  means  was  used  to  excite  the 
feelings.  Overpowering  spectacles  amidst  the 
darkness  of  night,  seductive  music,  delirious 
dances,  the  impartation  of  mysterious  formulae — 
these  made  a  unique  appeal  to  men  and  women 
who  had  prepared  for  the  solemn  experience  by 

^  Die  hellenistischen  Mysterie^ireligionen,  p.  6. 

2  Cf.  in  this  whole  connection  Dill's  fascinating  chapters 
on  the  "  philosophic  director  "  and  the  "  philosophic  mis- 
sionary," Roman  Society  from  Nero  to  Marcus  Aurelius,  pp. 
289-383. 


22  PROLEGOMENA 

long  courses  of  rigid  abstinence.  But  even  more 
potent  was  the  profounder  side  of  the  appeal  : 
that  which  directly  touched  consciences  unsatisfied 
by  their  ancestral  rites.  What  Cumont  has  said 
of  the  Oriental  priests  in  Italy  gives  the  clue  to 
the  whole  situation  which  we  are  trying  to  review. 
They  brought  with  them  "  two  new  things,  mys- 
terious means  of  purification  by  which  they  pro- 
posed to  cleanse  away  the  defilements  of  the  soul, 
and  the  assurance  that  an  immortality  of  bliss 
would  be  the  reward  of  piety  ".^  The  full  signifi- 
cance of  these  truths  will  appear  in  a  later  chap- 
ter, when  we  examine  the  fundamental  doctrines 
of  the  Mysteries  in  their  relation  to  Paulinism. 

One  effect  of  this  individualistic  appeal  is  very 
suggestive.  Many  devout  people,  not  content 
with  a  single  initiation,  embraced  every  fresh 
opportunity  that  came  to  them  of  using  this  means 
of  communion  with  deity.  They  felt  they  could 
not  have  too  intense  a  consciousness  of  the  deify- 
ing of  their  own  individuality.  And,  doubtless, 
behind  it  all  lay  the  thought,  now  dimmer,  now 

^  Op.  cit.,  p.  61.  It  is  of  importance  to  note,  as  Cumont 
points  out,  that  Oriental  cults  had  a  more  restricted  influence 
in  Greece  because  there  analogous  doctrines  were  familiar 
from  the  Hellenic  mysteries.     See  op,  cit.,  p.  324,  note  23. 


PKOLEGOMENA  23 

clearer,  expressed  in  Diogenes  Laertim,  vii.,  135  : 
iv  T€  elvai  Oeov  koX  vovv  koX  elfjiapfjievrjv  koL  Aia 
noWal^  re  irepats  ovoyLacriai^;  irpocrovoyLdt^eo'OaL  : 
''  God  and  Reason  and  Fate  and  Zeus  are  iden- 
tical, and  they  have  many  other  designations 
besides  ".  The  assurance  as  to  the  supernatural, 
confirmed  by  so  many  solemn  sanctions,  opened  a 
new  vista  to  their  spiritual  vision.  The  truth 
which  they  would  fain  grasp  was  presented  to 
them  in  the  guise  of  Divine  revelations,  esoteric 
doctrines  to  be  carefully  concealed  from  the  gaze 
of  the  profane,  doctrines  which  placed  in  their 
hands  a  powerful  apparatus  for  gaining  deliver- 
ance from  the  assaults  of  malicious  demonic 
influences,  and  above  all,  for  overcoming  the  re- 
lentless tyranny  of  Fate.  It  is  not  difficult  to  see 
how  various  aspects  of  Paul's  message  might  be 
superficially  interpreted  on  parallel  lines.  The 
word  of  the  Cross  might  readily  appear  as  a 
mysterious  talisman  with  superhuman  potencies.^ 
Here  we  touch  a  crucial  feature  in  the  religious 
life  of  the  Hellenistic  period.  Anz,  in  his  im- 
portant study,  Zur  Frage  nach  dem  Ursprung  des 

1  Cf.  the  mystery  associated  with  the  term  o-ravpos  by  the 
Valentinian  Gnostics,  as  in  Barth,  Die  Interpretation  d.  N.T, 
in  der  Valent.  Gnosis^  pp.  84-87. 


24  PEOLEGOMENA 

Gnosticis7nus,  is  disposed  to  find  in  the  doctrine 
of  escape  from  the  rule  of  elfiapixepr)  the  pivotal 
conception  of  Gnosticism.  This  is  scarcely  prob- 
able. Gnosticism  is  too  chameleon-like  in  its 
hues  to  allow  of  a  single  unifying  idea.  But 
there  can  be  no  question  that  conceptions  like 
that  of  the  seven  Archons,  who,  from  their  plan- 
etary realm,  determine  the  destinies  of  mortals, 
were  almost  universally  influential.  Dieterich 
has  briefly  sketched  the  range  of  diffusion  of  such 
doctrines.^  Originating  in  Babylon,  they  have 
penetrated  into  the  religions  of  Persia  and  Egypt. 
They  appear  in  Jewish  Apocalyptic,  in  Orphic 
fragments,  in  Hermetic  documents,  in  Greek 
astrological  texts,  in  every  variety  of  Gnostic 
system.  They  can  be  discerned  in  the  back- 
ground of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  in  those  hier- 
archies of  evil  forces  ruled  by  the  Oeo^  tov  ala>pos 
TovToVf  the  ap^cav  r^s  efoucrtas  tov  aepo^. 

Perhaps  this  was  the  most  crushing  weight 
which  oppressed  human  souls  in  the  period  with 
which  we  are  dealing.  It  is  scarcely  possible  to 
doubt  that  the  acrdevrj  koI  tttcoxol  crTOLx^la,  against 
whose  bondage  Paul  warns  in  Galatians  iv.  9, 
are  the  elemental  spirits  whose  iron  yoke  was  so 
1  Abraxas i  p.  43  ff. 


PEOLEGOMENA  25 

grievously  felt  throughout  the  Hellenistic  world. 
Indeed,  his  words  in  verse  8  remove  all  uncer- 
tainty :  t6t€  fJL€i/  ovK  €t8oT€9  ^€01^  eSovXeu(TaT€  Tol^; 
(f}vcreL  fir)  ovaiv  Oeols.  Redemption  from  this 
servitude,  which  embittered  daily  existence,  was 
probably  the  object  of  intensest  craving  in  the 
higher  life  of  pagan  society.  It  was  realised 
by  fellowship  with  higher  powers  too  strong  for 
these  lower.  In  the  present  life  it  could  be 
attained  through  mystic  ecstasy.  After  death  it 
would  be  consummated  by  the  ascent  of  the  soul 
to  heaven.  The  actual  apparatus  of  ritual  and 
magic  by  which  communion  with  higher  divinities 
was  reached  is  vividly  exemplified  in  the  prayers 
and  incantations  of  the  so-called  Liturgy  of 
Mithra.^  The  possession  of  means  for  escaping 
the  thraldom  of  the  Archons  came  at  an  early 
stage  to  be  regarded  and  described  as  Gnosis  par 
excellence.  However  intellectual  might  be  the 
original  basis  of  the  idea  involved,  it  now  indi- 
cated the  highest  practical  attainment  of  the 
religious  life.  Gnosis  was  pre-eminently  Suz/a/xt?. 
It  made  possible  mystic  communion  with  deity. 
It  was  a  religious  rather  than  a  speculative  con- 

^  Edited  and  elucidated  by  A.  Dieterich.  The  second  edi- 
tion, considerably  enlarged,  was  brought  out  after  Dieterich's 
death  by  R.  Wiinsch,  Leipzig,  Teubner,  1910. 


26  PEOLEGOMENA 

ception.  But  when  we  pass  from  the  term  to  the 
communities  or  sects  within  which  it  found  its 
chief  realisation,  we  enter  a  field  bristling  with 
problems.  Gnosticism  is  one  of  the  most  flexible 
designations  in  the  vocabulary  of  the  history  of 
religion.  It  is  used  to  cover  phenomena  which, 
while  more  or  less  closely  allied  to  each  other,  are 
far  from  being  identical.  Some  writers  restrict 
the  name  to  those  fantastic  developments  of 
speculation  within  the  life  of  the  early  Church, 
on  which  the  Fathers  pour  their  scorn.  Others 
include  under  the  title  a  variety  of  tendencies  in 
the  Hellenistic  period,  of  which  some  took  shape 
inside  the  Church,  some  remained  completely 
pagan,  while  some  belonged  to  a  debateable  bor- 
derland, hard  to  define.  But  the  complexity  of 
the  term  is  still  further  aggravated.  Harnack, 
e.g.,  using  the  designation  in  its  narrower  sense, 
would  lay  the  emphasis  on  its  affinities  with 
Greek  philosophy.  "Almost  everything,"  he 
says,  "  which  was  matter  of  controversy  between 
Gnosticism  and  the  Church  would  have  also  been 
in  dispute  between  the  Church,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Plato,  Aristotle,  Stoicism,  etc.,  on  the  other."  ^ 
Wendland,  while  acknowledging  that  Gnosticism 
knew  how  to  provide  cultivated  minds  with  specu- 
1  Theol,  L.Z.,  1908, 1,  sp.  11. 


PKOLEGOMENA  27 

lations,  finds  the  clue  to  its  origin  and  pervasive 
influence  in  Oriental-Hellenistic  syncretism.^  It 
is  not  our  purpose  to  discuss  these  more  or  less 
conflicting  views.  We  are  not  concerned  here 
with  Gnostic  phenomena  inside  the  Church. 
What  we  wish  to  indicate  in  a  sentence  or  two 
is  that  drift  of  tendencies  in  the  Hellenistic  period 
which  makes  itself  felt  in  the  environment  of 
Paul's  mission,  and  which,  for  convenience'  sake, 
may  be  described  as  incipient  Gnosticism.  This 
must  directly  affect  our  investigation  of  the  main 
problem  to  be  dealt  with,  the  relation  of  Paul  to 
the  Mystery- Religions. 

For  incipient  Gnosticism  and  the  Mystery - 
Religions  are  phenomena  which  overlap.  There 
is  an  instructive  passage  in  Hippolytus,  v.,  20  (ed. 
Duncker  and  Schneidewin),  in  which,  describing 
the  Gnostic  sect  of  the  Sethians,  he  derives  their 
peculiar  doctrine  from  "  the  ancient  theologians, 
Musaeus  and  Linus  and  Orpheus,  who,  above  all 
others,  introduced  the  rites  of  initiation  and  the 
mysteries,"  and  asserts  of  a  particular  teaching 
that  "  it  is  found  in  this  very  form  in  the  Bacchic 
rites   of   Orpheus  ".      Whether  the  explanation 

^  See  also  the  very  suggestive  remarks  of  Norden,  Agnostos 
Theos,  p.  95  f.,  which  must,  however,  be  accepted  with  caution. 


28  PROLEGOMENA 

given  by  Hippolytus  has  any  foundation  or  not, 
it  suggests  a  feature  of  undoubted  significance  in 
the  movement  we  are  concerned  with.  In  fully- 
fiedged  Gnostic  systems  like  the  Valentinian,  for 
all  its  curious  mythological  formations,  we  are 
confronted  by  philosophical  constructions,  which 
seem  far  removed  from  a  traffic  in  magical  for- 
mulae. But  there  is  a  ^'  vulgar  "  Gnosis,  of  which 
traces  appear  even  in  those  sects  which  exhibit 
metaphysical  developments.  It  is  found,  e.g.,  to 
a  marked  degree,  in  the  Hermetic  literature  of 
Egypt,  as  Zielinski  has  shown, ^  side  by  side  with 
elaborate  cosmological  speculations,  and  makes 
abundant  use  of  alchemy  and  magic.  It  reveals 
the  influence  of  all  manner  of  ancient  beliefs  and 
superstitions  which,  in  a  time  of  religious  disinte- 
gration, have  forced  themselves  up  from  various 
levels  of  popular  fancy  and  tradition.  These  are 
associated  with  ritual  (or  magical)  actions  and 
mystic  sacraments,  some  of  which  have  their 
origin  in  early  Greek  Chthonian  worship,  and 
others  in  the  multifarious  Oriental  rites  which 
were  being  carried  westwards  in  an  unceasing 
stream.       Behind    most  phases   of    this   earlier 

1  Archivf.  Beligionswiss.y  1906,  p.  27  f.  Bufc  Kroll,  op.  cit, 
sp.  819,  denies  the  appearance  of  magical  rites  in  the  Hermetic 
literature  strictly  so  called. 


PEOLEGOMENA  29 

'*  Gnosticism,"  as  later  at  the  basis  of  its  more 
philosophical  expressions,  there  seems  to  lie  an 
essentially  dualistic  view  of  the  universe.  Bousset 
would  associate  the  phenomenon  with  the  direct 
influence  of  the  religion  of  Persia,  while  admitting 
that  in  its  Hellenistic  environment  Persian  dual- 
ism lost  its  more  concrete  mythological  embodi- 
ment, and  made  way  for  a  new  antithesis,  that 
between  "  the  good  spiritual  and  the  evil  corporeal 
world  ".^  His  view  is  highly  probable.  In  any 
case,  the  ground-tone  of  the  movement  is  a  thor- 
ough-going pessimism,  which  often  issues,  on  the 
one  hand,  in  a  rigid  asceticism,  in  unbridled  im- 
morality on  the  other.  These  are  features  which 
Paul  has  definitely  to  deal  with  side  by  side  in 
the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians,  e.g.,  ii.  20  ff.  :  "  If 
you  died  with  Christ  from  the  elements  of  the 
world,  why,  as  though  living  in  the  world,  do  you 
subject  yourselves  to  ordinances.  Handle  not,  nor 
taste,  nor  touch  .  .  .  which  things  have  indeed 
a  show  of  wisdom  in  self-imposed  worship  and 
humility  and  severity  to  the  body,  but  are  not  of 
any  value  against  the  indulgence  of  the  flesh." 
The  truth  is  that  this  chaotic  outgrowth  of  Hel- 
lenistic religion  is  our  most  faithful  mirror  of  the 
prevailing  syncretism  of  the  period.  Large  addi- 
1  Op.  cit.,  p.  118. 


30  PROLEGOMENA 

tions  to  the  knowledge  of  its  essential  character 
have  been  made  in  recent  years  by  the  magical 
papyri   unearthed  in  Egypt.      These  have  pre- 
served fragments  of  hymns  and  spells  and  mystic 
names  of  Babylonian,  Egyptian,   Hellenic,  and 
even  Jewish  origin.     With  ritual  and  liturgical 
texts  are  blended,  in  a  bewildering  medley,  curi- 
ous theogonies  and  cosmologies,  which  find  their 
affinities  in  documents  so  far  removed  from  each 
other  as  the  poems  of  Hesiod  and  the  Apoca- 
lypses of  Judaism,  and  have  undoubted  associa- 
tions with  Stoic  allegorisings.      The  process  of 
which  this  is  the  product  must  have  had  a  long 
and  chequered  history.      Corresponding  to  the 
extended  period  of  its  development  would  be  the 
width  of  area  over  which  it  was  diffused.     The 
graphic  delineation  of  the  burning  of  the  books 
at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  18,  19)  gives  us  a  casual 
glimpse  of  the  forces  which  were  potent  in  the 
common  life  of  the  cities  of  the  Empire.     This 
was  a  movement  which  in  vague  forms  must  con- 
tinually have  confronted  the  Apostle  Paul  as  he 
moved  from  one  great  centre  to  another.     Its  at- 
mosphere would  surround  him  like  the  air  which 
he  breathed.    Was  he  influenced  by  it  consciously 
or  unconsciously  ?     Is  the  Christianity  of  Paul, 
as  Gunkel  asserts,  '*  a  syncretistic  religion  "  ? 


CHAPTER  II 

JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH  THE  MYSTERY- 
RELIGIONS 

It  is  a  custom  almost  universal  among  writers  on 
the  religion  of  the  New  Testament  to  speak  of 
the  "  Mysticism  "  or  "  Faith-Mysticism  "  of  St. 
Paul.  Now  ''  Mysticism  "  is  one  of  the  most  elas- 
tic terms  in  the  vocabulary  of  religion.  Hence, 
when  it  is  used  to  designate  an  important  element 
in  the  complex  of  Paul's  religious  experience,  its 
precise  significance  in  this  connection  must  be  as 
clearly  defined  as  possible.  It  is  not  our  purpose 
at  the  present  stage  to  attempt  such  a  defini- 
tion. It  is  enough  to  indicate  the  features  in  the 
Apostle's  experience  which  are  commonly  grouped 
under  this  name.  Prominent  among  them  are 
those  which  he  himself  describes  as  '*  crucified 
with  Christ,"  "  baptised  into  His  death,"  "  risen 
with  Christ,"  "  joined  to  the  Lord,"  ''  putting  on 
Christ,"  being  "  in  Christ,"  having  "  Christ  living 
in  "  him.     To  a  somewhat  different  side  of  the 

same  general  category  belong  the  "  visions  "  and 

(31) 


32  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

'*  revelations  "  which  he  occasionally  claims  to 
have  had :  the  pneumatic  endowments  of  a  unique 
kind  which  he  shares  with  other  spirit-possessed 
Christians  :  and  the  remarkable  ecstatic  experi- 
ence which  he  recalls  in  2  Corinthians  xii.  1  ff. 
Some  recent  investigators  have  been  disposed  to 
associate  these  spiritual  phenomena  with  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Mystery-Keligions,  and  at  a  later 
point  we  must,  in  the  light  of  their  researches, 
make  a  careful  comparison  of  the  terminology  of 
these  religions  with  the  religious  vocabulary  of 
Paul.  On  a  surface  view  of  the  facts,  however, 
it  seems  relevant,  meanwhile,  to  suggest  that  in 
the  Pauline  phrases  quoted  above,  we  have  ex- 
amples of  a  spiritual  experience  which  comes  to 
light  wherever  religion  exercises  an  intense  and 
sovereign  control  over  the  personality.  The  soul 
for  which  God  is  all  in  all  craves  for  and  con- 
tinually attains  a  relationship  to  the  Divine  which 
can  only  be  expressed  in  terms  of  absorbing 
personal  intimacy,  and  in  such  terms  symbolic 
elements  must  always  have  a  place.  For  Paul 
access  to  God  is  only  and  altogether  through 
Christ.  Hence,  speaking  generally,  the  language 
he  employs  is  true  to  his  whole  Christian  stand- 
point.   On  the  other  hand,  the  peculiar  experience 


THE  MYSTERY-KELIGIONS  33 

described  in  2  Corinthians  xii.  1  fF.,  the  visions 
and  revelations,  and  perhaps  the  unique  spiritual 
endowments,  while  traceable  over  a  very  wide 
area  of  religious  history  both  in  ancient  and 
modern  times,  are  nevertheless  more  tempera- 
mental in  character,  and  belong  more  essentially 
to  a  definite  environment.  If  we  are  to  do 
justice  to  that  environment  in  Paul's  case,  we 
must  attempt  to  examine  those  elements  in  Juda- 
ism, his  ancestral  faith,  which  may  broadly  be 
grouped  under  the  comprehensive  term  '^  Mys- 
ticism ".  For  there  certainly  may  be  a  germ  of 
truth  in  Eeitzenstein's  statement  :  "  Paul  was  a 
mystic  before  his  conversion  :  this  is  attested  by 
his  allegorical  exegesis  of  Scripture  "/ 

We  should  expect  to  find  phenomena  of  the 
kind  called  "  mystic  "  in  experiences  which  reveal 
religious  feeling  at  its  highest  pitch  of  intensity. 
These,  in  the  history  of  Israel,  are  associated  with 
the  prophetic  function. 

The  earliest  descriptions  of  the  Nebfim  {e.g., 
1  Sam.  X.  5,  6,  10  ;  xix.  20,  24)  are  extraordin- 
arily significant.  The  prophets  appear  in  bands, 
swayed  by  a  common  religious  excitement,  accom- 
panied by  stirring  music.      Their  frenzy  is  con- 

^  Die  hellenistischen  Mysterienreligionen,  p.  199. 
3 


34  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

tagious.  Saul  is  swept  away  by  it,  strips  himself 
of  his  clothing,  and  falls  exhausted  to  the  ground. 
Even  at  a  later  date,  according  to  2  Kings  iii.  15, 
Elisha  calls  for  music,  and  while  the  minstrel  plays 
the  prophetic  inspiration  comes  upon  him  and  he 
declares  the  word  of  the  Lord.  In  the  Samuel- 
passages  these  phenomena  are  attributed  to  the 
Ruach  Elohim.  The  Ruach-conception,  in  the 
most  primitive  phases  of  the  popular  religion,  had 
probably  stood  for  anything  "  demonic  "  that  had 
to  be  accounted  for,  but  in  the  oldest  documents 
of  the  Old  Testament  has  already  been  incor- 
porated with  the  person  of  Jahweh.^  In  the 
case  of  Elisha,  the  phrase  used  is  "  the  hand  of 
Jahweh  ".  This  phrase  occurs  again  and  again  in 
the  book  of  Ezekiel,  where  it  is  apparently  con- 
nected with  trance  or  ecstatic  conditions.  It  is 
almost  needless  to  recall  the  parallels  to  these 
primitive  ideas  both  in  Semitic  and  Hellenic  re- 
ligions. The  ecstatic  influence  of  Apollo  over  the 
Pythia  is  typical.^  It  is  worth  noting  that  in 
Egypt    certain   classes   of   priests  who    are    re- 

1  See  Volz,  Der  Geist  Gottes  im  A.T.,  p.  62,  et  al. 

2  See  Eohde,  Psyche,^  ii.,  pp.  60,  61.  A  conspectus  of  most 
striking  passages  from  Greek  authors  in  De  Jong,  Das  antike 
Mysterienweseriy  pp.  163-165. 


THE  MYSTEBY-KELIGIONS  35 

garded  as  being  in  immediate  contact  with  the 
supernatural  world  are  designated  7rpo(f)rjTaL. 

The  development  of  Hebrew  religion  has  no- 
where left  more  impressive  traces  than  in  the 
sphere  of  the  prophetic  activity.  A  characteristic 
feature  of  the  great  pre-exilic  prophets  is  their 
lack  of  emphasis  on  the  conception  of  the  Ruach 
Jahiveh  in  connection  with  their  own  prophetic 
equipment.  Perhaps  this  is  due  to  the  fact,  as 
Volz  suggests,^  that  they  still  felt  in  it  something 
of  the  primitive  idea,  which,  as  not  necessarily 
ethical,  was  alien  to  them.  But  their  usage  is  no 
indication  that  they  were  less  conscious  of  the 
Divine  Presence.  It  is  the  very  reverse.  They 
feel  themselves  to  be  in  direct  touch  with  Jahweh. 
"  The  Lord  God  hath  spoken,"  says  Amos  (iii.  8), 
"  who  can  but  prophesy  ?  "  "  Thou  shalt  be  as 
my  mouth,"  says  the  Lord  to  Jeremiah  (Jer.  xv. 
19).  And  Isaiah  s  solemn  vision  represents  the 
same  type  of  experience.  At  certain  crises  they 
were  peculiarly  sensitive  to  the  Divine  compul- 
sion. Isaiah,  e.g.,  tells  how  the  Lord  spake  to 
him  ''with  strong  pressure  of  the  hand"  (viii.  11). 
Jeremiah  in  an  appeal  to  God  exclaims  :  ''  I  sat 
alone  because  of  thy  hand  "  (xv.  17). 
1  Op.  cit.,  p.  67  f. 


36  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

While  visions  are  rare  in  the  experience  of  the 
greatest  prophets,  their  conception  of  intimate 
fellowship  with  Jahweh  is  central  for  their  re- 
ligion. It  is  often  described  as  *'  knowing  God," 
or  the  "  knowledge  "  of  Him.  This  is  something 
more  profound  than  any  activity  of  the  intellect. 
It  is  essentially  experimental.  Very  significant 
for  its  meaning  are  the  words  of  Hosea  :  "  I  will 
even  betroth  thee  unto  me  in  faithfulness,  and 
thou  shalt  know  the  Lord  "  (ii.  20).  The  "  know- 
ledge "  is  a  revelation  of  God  in  the  inner  being. 
"  The  word  is  very  nigh  unto  thee  in  thy  mouth, 
and  in  thy  heart,  that  thou  may  est  do  it "  (Deut. 
XXX.  14).i  God  gives  Himself  to  men  in  experi- 
ence. And  the  experience  is  essentially  moral. 
This  point  of  view  is  peculiarly  characteristic  of 
Jeremiah.  For  him  all  ethical  activity  has  as  its 
foundation  a  personal  communion  with  the  living 
God.^  Perhaps  the  climax  of  this  aspect  of  Old 
Testament  religion  appears  in  some  of  the  later 
Psalms:  e.g..  Psalm  li.  11  :  "  Cast  me  not  away 
from  thy  presence  :  and  take  not  thy  holy  spirit 
from  me  ".      In  Psalm  Ixxiii.  23-26,  the  **mysti- 

1  C/.  Kohler,  Grundriss  einer  systematischen  Theologie  des 
Judentums,  pp.  25,  26. 

2  Gf.  Duhm,  Theologie  der  Propheten,  p.  243. 


THE  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS  37 

cal "  element  is  still  more  prominent :  "  Neverthe- 
less I  am  continually  with  thee.  .  .  .  Whom  have 
I  in  heaven  but  thee,  and  there  is  none  on  earth 
that  I  desire  beside  thee." 

It  is  obvious  that  there  are  intimate  relations 
between  the  prophetic  idea  of  the  '*  knowledge  of 
God  "  which  we  have  just  emphasised,  and  Paul's 
conception  of  yvaxri^,  which  must  be  examined 
at  a  later  stage.  Meanwhile,  if,  following  the 
development,  we  inquire  into  the  standpoint  of 
Ezekiel,  we  are  confronted  by  experiences  which 
remind  us  forcibly  of  the  earlier  popular  behefs. 
Ezekiel,  like  his  great  predecessors,  sets  high 
moral  truths  in  the  forefront  of  his  message. 
But  his  is  plainly  a  nature  sensitive  to  ecstatic 
conditions,  and  these  occupy  a  prominent  place 
in  his  own  descriptions  of  his  prophetic  work. 
In  his  first  overpowering  vision  of  the  glory  of 
God  he  narrates  how  he  fell  upon  his  face,  and 
then  heard  a  voice  which  commanded  him  to  stand 
up  that  he  might  receive  the  Divine  commission. 
"  And  spirit  entered  into  me  when  he  spake  unto 
me,  and  set  me  upon  my  feet,  and  I  heard  him  that 
spake  unto  me  "  (ii.  2).  In  chapter  viii.  3,  he 
describes  spirit  as  lifting  him  up  between  earth 
and  heaven,  and  bringing  him  in  the  visions  of 


38  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

God  to  Jerusalem.  This  takes  place  after  "  the 
hand  of  the  Lord  God  "  has  fallen  upon  him.  No 
doubt  the  experience  belongs  to  a  trance-condi- 
tion. It  is  futile  to  explain  such  descriptions 
as  merely  literary  artifice.  They  belong  to  the 
very  essence  of  his  prophetic  activity.  The  fact 
that  he  narrates  them  so  vividly  attests  the  im- 
portance which  they  had  for  him.  Of  interest  in 
this  connection  is  the  eating  of  the  book  which 
was  given  him  (ii.  9  ff.).  It  is  quite  possible  that 
this  was  not  a  mere  symbol,  but  rather  an  indica- 
tion that  *'  Ezekiel  received  the  Divine  message 
in  an  ecstatic  condition,  associated  with  intense 
bodily  sensations  ".^  It  is  not  without  importance 
for  our  subject  that  the  later  Apocalyptic,  with 
its  emphasis  on  esoteric  lore,  its  delineation  of 
mysterious  events,  the  elaborate  symbolism  of  its 
visions,  and  its  pictures  of  the  Divine  judgment, 
lies  in  the  direct  descent  from  Ezekiel.  Even  in 
view  of  the  phenomena  already  examined,  Dean 
Inge's  remark  requires  some  modification  :  *'The 
Jewish  mind  .  .  .  was  alien  to  Mysticism  ".'^ 

Ezekiel,  in  contrast  to  the  pre-exilic  prophets, 
makes  fairly  frequent  mention  of  the  Spirit  of 
Jahweh   in  connection  with  his   inspired  utter- 

*  Volz,  op.  cit.,  p.  16.  ^  Christian  Mysticism,  p.  39. 


THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS  39 

ances.  And  in  the  post-exilic  period,  as  a  whole, 
the  Ritach  Jahweh  comes  gradually  to  be  regarded 
as  the  special  charism  of  the  prophet.  The  con- 
ception has  become  highly  ethicised,  as,  e.g.,  in 
Deutero- Isaiah.  Here  we  have,  as  Volz  points 
out,^  the  monotheistic  transformation  of  the  Ruach 
which  had  possessed  the  earlier  NeMtm.  One 
cannot  help  comparing  the  process  with  that  by 
which  Paul  ethicised  the  ecstatic  conception  of 
the  TTi/evfjia,  current  in  early  Christianity.  The 
parallel  has  a  vital  bearing  on  the  meaning  of  the 
Apostle's  "  mysticism  ". 

When  we  pass  into  the  Judaistic  period  we  are 
confronted  by  a  variety  of  phenomena  which  may 
be  called  "  pneumatic  ".  This  is  the  era  of  apoca- 
lyptic literature,  and  the  descriptions  given  by  the 
seers  in  the  Apocalypses  of  their  visions  and  of 
the  conditions  and  circumstances  in  which  these 
were  granted  to  them  afford  rich  material  for 
study.  Now  it  is  true  that  the  writers  of  the 
Apocalypses  associate  the  revelations  embodied 
in  their  books  with  famous  names  of  the  past. 
And  the  experiences  related  are  constantly  em- 
bellished and  elaborated  in  a  more  or  less  formal 
way.      But   throughout   there    is  abundance   of 

'  Op.  cit.,  p.  96. 


40  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

unconscious  evidence  that  the  writers  themselves 
had  personal  and  intimate  knowledge  of  ecstatic 
conditions.  These  conditions  are  again  and  again 
ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  Spirit.  A  note- 
worthy instance  occurs  in  4  Ezra  xiv.  38  fiP.  : 
"  On  the  following  day  there  cried  to  me  a 
voice  :  Ezra,  open  thy  mouth,  and  drink  that  which 
I  give  thee.  Then  I  opened  my  mouth,  and  be- 
hold, a  full  cup  was  handed  to  me.  It  was  filled 
as  if  with  water,  but  the  colour  of  the  water  was 
like  fire.  This  I  took  and  drank,  and  when  I  had 
drunk,  understanding  streamed  from  my  heart, 
my  breast  swelled  with  wisdom,  my  soul  preserved 
its  memory.  Then  my  mouth  was  opened,  and 
was  not  again  closed."  In  his  illuminating  notes 
(ed.  Kautzsch)  Gunkel  points  out  that  the  flame- 
coloured  liquid  represented  the  Spirit :  when  the 
seer  had  drunk,  he  was  inspired.  An  interesting 
feature  of  the  description  is  the  reference  to 
the  memory  of  the  experience.  Persons  in  ec- 
stasy often  lost  consciousness,  and  after  the  con- 
dition had  passed  away,  were  unable  to  recall  that 
which  had  been  given  them  "  in  the  Spirit ".  Here 
consciousness  and  memory  have  suffered  no  inter- 
ruption. The  whole  passage  is  evidence  that  the 
writer  was  not  dealing  merely  with  phenomena 


THE  MYSTERY-RELIGIONS  41 

external  to  himself.  These  mystical  experiences 
are  prepared  for  by  ascetic  practices,  as  in  the 
Orphic  ritual.  For  example,  the  command  comes 
to  Baruch  (Apoc.  of  Baruch,  ed.  Charles,  chap. 
XX.  5-6)  :  "Go  therefore  and  sanctify  thyself 
seven  days,  and  eat  no  bread,  nor  drink  water, 
nor  speak  to  any  one.  And  afterwards  come  to 
that  place  and  I  will  reveal  myself  to  thee  .  .  . 
and  I  will  give  thee  commandment  regarding  the 
method  of  the  times."  The  same  type  of  in- 
struction is  found  in  4  Ezra  ix.  23  f.  Here, 
again,  there  is  something  more  than  second-hand 
tradition. 

We  do  not  forget  that  in  the  Judaistic  epoch 
the  opinion  prevailed  that  the  Divine  Spirit  was 
no  longer  operative  in  the  nation.  And  this  view 
could  be  justified  by  comparing  the  existing  age 
with  that  of  the  great  prophets.  But,  as  Gunkel 
aptly  remarks,  **  such  phenomena  are  in  reality 
not  the  possession  of  any  single  epoch  ;  they 
occur  at  all  times  and  in  all  places  ".^  Frank  re- 
cognition of  this  truism  would  save  much  irrele- 
vant discussion  on  the  subject  of  the  "  mysticism  " 
of  Paul. 

1  Apokryjphen  u.  Pseudepigraphen  d.  A.T.  (ed.  Kautzsch), 
Bd.  II,  p.  341. 


42  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

The  visions  and  revelations  of  the  Jewish 
Apocalypses,  which  are  all  to  a  greater  or  less 
degree  related  to  eschatological  happenings,  are 
in  many  instances  connected  with  the  ascent  of 
the  soul  to  heaven.  Some  scholars  believe  that 
this  conception  must  have  entered  Judaism  from 
outside,  and  are  inclined  to  find  its  origin  in  Hel- 
lenic-Egyptian culture.^  This  is  quite  possible. 
For,  as  we  shall  notice  immediately,  Judaism 
came  into  very  intimate  contact  with  the  various 
phases  of  Hellenistic  syncretism.  And  ever  since 
the  time  of  Plato,  the  notion  of  the  ascent  of  the 
soul  into  the  higher  world  seems  to  have  formed 
an  important  element  in  the  profounder  strains 
of  Greek  religion.-^  The  experience  is  described 
more  than  once  in  the  Ethiopic  Enoch,  e.g.,  xxxix. 
3  f.  (ed.  Charles)  :  "  In  those  days  a  cloud  and  a 
whirlwind  carried  me  off  from  the  earth,  and  set 
me  down  at  the  end  of  the  heavens.  And  here 
I  saw  another  vision,  the  mansions  of  the  holy 
and  the  resting-places  of  the  righteous."  In  the 
Slavonic  Enoch,  the  seer  is  carried  up  through 

^  So,  e.g.,  Volz,  op.  cit.,  p.  124.  Bousset  favours  the  hypo- 
thesis of  Persian  influence,  Archiv  f.  BeUgio7isivissenschaft, 
1901,  p.  145  ff. 

^  See  Dieterich,  Eine  Mithrasliturgie,'^  p.  199. 


THE  MYSTEEY-RELIGIONS  43 

the  various  heavens  until,  in  the  seventh,  he  is  set 
"  before  the  face  of  the  Lord  "  (chap.  xxi.  5). 
There  his  earthly  robe  is  taken  off,  and  he  is 
clothed  with  the  raiment  of  the  Divine  glory 
(xxii.  8).  This,  no  doubt,  refers  to  the  purifica- 
tion of  the  soul,  if  it  is  to  look  upon  the  face 
of  God.  It  is  scarcely  possible  to  separate  the 
conception  from  the  Hellenistic  idea  of  the  ascent 
of  the  soul  through  the  various  spheres,  a  process 
in  which  it  is  gradually  purified.  It  is  obvious 
that  in  the  Enoch-literature  there  is  a  large  mass 
of  imported  material,  mystic  lore  accumulated 
from  manifold  sources.  But  here  again  we  have 
no  doubt  to  reckon  with  an  ecstatic  "mysticism," 
current  in  certain  circles  of  Judaism,  and  lying 
behind  the  delineations  given  in  Apocalypses  of 
religious  heroes  of  the  olden  times.^ 

Many  modern  Jewish  scholars  are  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  chief  elements  in  the  famous 
mystic  system  of  the  Cabala  have  descended  in  a 
continuous  tradition  from  the  apocalyptic  litera- 
ture of  the  second  and  first  centuries  B.C.  Whether, 
as  Josephus  holds,  these  writings  were  carefully 
preserved  in  the  circle  of  the  Essenes,  who  are 
regarded  by  some  {e.g.,  Jellinek  and  Gaster)  as 
^  Of.  Bousset,  Religion  des  Judentums,^  p.  342. 


44  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

the  originators  of  the  Cabala,  there  is  little  evi- 
dence to  determine.  The  description  we  have  j 
quoted  from  the  Slavonic  Enoch  of  the  seer's 
ascent  to  heaven  vividly  reminds  us  of  Paul's 
account  of  his  mystic  experience  in  2  Corinthians 
xii.  1  fF.  And  we  know  that  at  many  points  the 
Apostle  has  links  of  connection  with  apocalyptic 
ideas.  But  whether  these  belong  to  the  centre  or 
the  circumference  of  his  religious  outlook  is  a 
question  which  must  be  discussed  at  a  later  stage 
in  our  inquiry.^ 

It  is  probably  an  error  to  draw  a  sharp  line  of 
demarcation  between  Apocalyptic  and  Kabbinic 
thought.  These  provinces  must  certainly  have 
overlapped.  The  Scribes  admitted  the  apoca- 
lyptic book  of  Daniel  into  the  Canon.  Both  in 
Daniel  {e.g.,  i.  8),  and  in  the  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch  {e.g.,  xxxviii.  2  ff.),  the  observance  of  the 
Law  receives  a  prominent  place.  But  gradually 
the  essential  divergence  of  temperament  between 
Scribe  and   Apocalyptist  became  manifest.      A 

1  Gunkel  {op.  cit^  pp.  342  f.,  349)  indicates  many  parallels, 
e.g.,  between  4  Ezra  and  Paul,  which  suggest  that  they  be- 
longed to  the  same  circle  of  Judaism.  But  he  clearly  recog- 
nises that  the  contrasts  are  greater  than  the  resemblances 
(p.  343). 


THE  MYSTERY-EELIGIONS  45 

saying  occurs  in  the  Talmudic  treatise,  Sanhedrin, 
that  "  he  who  reads  in  the  secret  books  (^.^.,  the 
apocalypses)  has  no  portion  in  the  world  to 
come  ".^  Hence  there  is  no  doubt  truth  in 
Schlatter's  remark  that  the  Palestinian  Synagogue 
had  no  room  for  "  pneumatics  ".^  In  Eabbinic 
piety  ecstatic  experiences  seem  to  have  been 
held  in  check.  The  problems  of  mystical  lore 
had  to  be  approached  with  much  caution.  The 
advice  of  the  Son  of  Sirach  is  significant :  ''  The 
things  which  have  been  commanded  thee,  ponder ; 
for  thou  hast  no  need  of  secret  things  "  (iii.  22). 
This  shrinking  from  mystic  raptures  became  more 
marked  in  the  authoritative  Rabbinic  schools  of 
the  second  century  a.d.  It  was  said  of  Simon 
ben  Azzai  that  he  died  after  he  had  cast  a  glance 
into  the  mysteries  of  the  "  garden  ".^  To  the 
famous  Rabbi  Akiba  (flSS  a.d.)  is  referred  the 
warning  found  in  the  Mischna  against  discoursing 
on  the  creation  of  the  world  (Gen.  i.)  and  the 

^  See  Bertholet,  Biblische  Thcologie  d.  A.T.  (begun  by 
Stade),  vol.  ii.,  p.  358. 

2  Jochatian  ben  Zakkai,  p.  74,  note  2. 

^  Interpreted  by  some  as  the  realm  of  theosophical  specu- 
lations, by  others  as  Paradise.  See  Bacher,  Die  Agada  der 
Tannaite7ij^  i.,  p.  408. 


46  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

first  chapter  of  Ezekiel,  which  became  the  basis 
of  mystical  speculations  as  to  the  Divine  essence 
and  the  heavenly  sphere  of  being,  except  before 
carefully  selected  individuals/  Nevertheless  the 
existence  in  Rabbinic  circles  of  '*  pneumatic " 
phenomena,  parallel  to  those  with  which  we  have 
been  dealing,  is  fully  made  out. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  *'  wise  "  man 
is  regarded  as  possessing  a  special  Divine  endow- 
ment. ''  Who  hath  known  thy  counsel  except 
thou  hast  given  him  wisdom  and  sent  thy  holy 
spirit  from  on  high  ? "  (Wisd.  of  Sol.  ix.  17). 
With  this  may  be  compared  a  passage  from  the 
celebrated  description  of  Wisdom  :  "  From  gen- 
eration to  generation  passing  into  holy  souls,  she 
{i.e.^  Wisdom)  maketh  them  friends  of  God  and 
prophets "  {ib.,  vii.  27).  Probably  under  the 
same  category  may  be  placed  the  remarkable  ex- 
perience of  Eliphaz narrated  in  Job  iv.  13  fF.  :  "In 
thoughts  from  the  visions  of  the  night  when  deep 
sleep  falleth  on  men,  fear  came  upon  me,  and 
trembling,  which  made  all  my  bones  to  shake. 
Then  a  spirit  passed  before  my  face  ;  the  hair  of 
my  flesh  stood  up  :  it  stood  still,  but  I  could  not 
discern  the  form  thereof  :  an  image  was  before 
1  Bacher,  op.  cit.^  p.  334. 


THE  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS  47 

mine  eyes,  I  heard  a  still  voice."  Notable  Rabbis 
like  Hillel  were  looked  upon  as  inspired  by  the 
Holy  Spirit.^  Indeed  saintliness  {Chasiduth), 
which  is  virtually  imitation  of  God,  finds  its 
climax  in  communion  with  the  Holy  Spirit. 
Schechter,  commenting  on  this  conception,  quotes 
from  a  Midrash  :  "  Holiness  means  nothing  else 
than  prophecy  ".^  But  on  the  whole,  no  doubt, 
the  catastrophic  aspect  of  the  Spirit  has  fallen 
into  the  background.  Characteristic  of  this  situa- 
tion is  the  idea  of  the  Spirit  as  especially  mani- 
fested in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which  has  become 
a  widespread  belief  in  Rabbinic  theology.^ 

But  much  and  varied  evidence  can  be  adduced 
for  a  markedly  mystical  strain  in  Rabbinic  litera- 
ture. This  is  well  exemplified  by  the  all-important 
conception  of  the  Shechinah  which  occurs  far 
more  frequently  than  the  allied  notion  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  from  which  at  times  it  can  scarcely 
be  discriminated.  In  an  early  phase  of  Rabbinic 
thought,  the  Shechinah  is  clothed  in  material 
forms,  such  as  light,  fire,  etc.  And  this  usage 
reappears  later,  but  as  pure  symbolism.      More 

^  See  Volz,  op.  cii,,  pp.  115,  165. 

2  Some  Aspects  of  Rahhinic  Theology,  p.  217. 

'  See  Volz,  op.  cit,  pp.  167,  168. 


48  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

notably,  the  Shechinah  is  often  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  emanation  of  God,  embodying  the  Divine 
Presence,  and  occasionally  it  is  directly  personi- 
fied. Indeed  the  variety  of  usages,  which  merge 
into  one  another,  is  strikingly  parallel  to  the  New 
Testament  conceptions  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  i 

There  is  another  group  of  phenomena  which 
are  closely  linked  to  those  ecstatic  experiences 
which  we  discussed  in  the  field  of  apocalyptic 
literature.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Apocalyptists, 
they  are  associated  with  esoteric  lore,  arising 
out  of  theosophical  and  cosmogonic  speculations. 
Judaism  had  been  in  touch  with  Babylonian-Per- 
sian ideas,  as  Blau  points  out,^  for  at  least  500 
years  before  the  Christian  era.  The  conception 
of  Gnosis  had  permeated  many  phases  of  its 
thought.  So  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  find  in 
it  remarkable  affinities  with  the  doctrines  which 
we  meet  both  in  Hellenistic  and  in  Christian 
Gnosticism.  One  name  stands  out  prominently 
in  Rabbinic  tradition  as  identified  with  such  mys- 

1  See  an  interesting  discussion  in  Abelson's  The  Immanence 
of  God  in  Rabbinic  Literature,  pp.  367-375.  His  chapter  on 
'*  The  Rabbinic  God"  (especially  pp.  278-295)  emphasises  the 
element  we  are  considering. 

2  Art.  "  Gnosticism,"  in  Jewish  Encyclopcedia,  v.,  p.  681. 


THE  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS  49 

tical  speculations,  that  of  Jochanan  ben  Zakkai 
(fl.  c.  70  A.D.).  Our  knowledge  of  his  Haggadic 
explanations  of  Scripture,  which  was  the  form 
given  to  esoteric  doctrines  of  this  kind,  is  so 
meagre  that  much  caution  has  to  be  used  in  es- 
timating his  position.^  But  we  know  that  the 
material  which  supplied  a  basis  for  them  came 
from  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis  and  the  open- 
ing section  of  Ezekiel.  The  one  passage  was 
the  starting-point  for  mystic  speculations  on  the 
creation  {MaJaseh  Bereschith),  the  other  for  eso- 
teric theories  as  to  the  being  and  abode  of  God 
{Ma'aseh  Merkahah), — Merkabah,  chariot,  being  a 
concise  description  of  Ezekiel's  mysterious  vision. 
The  latter  doctrine  must  have  been  elaborately 
developed.  Traces  of  it,  in  various  phases,  are 
found  throughout  the  Eabbinic  tradition.  Later, 
the  term  ^'  Merkabah-travellers "  came  to  be 
used  of  those  who  ventured  on  this  mystic  quest. 
Some  interesting  traditions  survive  as  to  Eabbis 
who  were  absorbed  in  such  theosophical  exer- 
cises. An  interview  is  recorded  between  R.  Joshua 
b.  Chananja  and  Ben  Zoma.  In  answer  to  a 
greeting  by  Joshua,  Ben  Zoma  gave  forth  a  mystic 
utterance,  and  Joshua  said  to  the  scholars  who 

^  See  Bacher,  op.  ciL,  p.  39  f. 
4 


50  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

accompanied  him,  "  Ben  Zoma  is  gone  ".  Bacher 
thinks  that  the  saying  is  to  be  explained  in  the 
Hght  of  a  tradition  that  Ben  Zoma  became  men- 
tally affected  in  consequence  of  mystical  specula- 
tions.^ But  Blau's  explanation,  illustrated  by 
parallel  passages,  which  finds  in  the  words  a 
reference  to  ecstasy,  seems  more  relevant  to  the 
whole  context.^  Ben  Zoma  is  one  of  a  group  of 
Rabbis  who,  according  to  a  famous  tradition,  had, 
during  their  lifetime,  "  entered  Paradise  ".  Of 
these  Ben  Azzai  had  his  vision  and  died  (vide 
supra),  Ben  Zoma  saw  and  lost  his  reason. 
Acher  became  a  heretic.  Akiba  alone  suffered 
no  harm.^  Bousset  is  probably  justified  in  con- 
necting this  tradition  with  visionary  experiences 
of  the  Rabbis  in  question,  reached  in  conditions 
of  ecstasy.  But  such  experiences  are  never  con- 
ceived in  the  realistic  fashion  current,  for  example, 
in  the  contemporary  Mystery-Religions.  We  are 
not  confronted  in  Judaistic  thought  with  the 
notion  of  absorption  in  the  Deity.  Nor  does  there 
ever,  apparently,  occur  the  conception  of  the  deifi- 

1  Op.  cit.,  p.  424.  2  Op.  cit.,  p.  684. 

'  Chagiga,  14b-15b.  Cf.  Bousset,  Archiv  f.  Beligions- 
wissenschaft,  iv.,  p.  145  ff,,  a  most  comprehensive  treatment 
of  the  conception  of  the  ascent  of  the  soul. 


THE  MYSTEEY-RELIGIONS  61 

cation  of  mortals  through  mystic  communion  with 
God.  These  facts  will  be  found  of  high  significance 
when  we  come  to  investigate  the  mystical  ideas  of 
Paul. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  mystic  phenomena 
of  the  Apocalypses  are  usually  associated  with 
the  feverish  strain  of  eschatological  expectation 
which  prevailed  in  the  Judaistic  period.  Of 
course,  in  such  books  as  Ethiopic  Enoch,  Sla- 
vonic Enoch,  and  4  Ezra,  much  of  the  esoteric 
tradition  may  well  fall  under  the  category  of 
Gnosis.  But  the  clue  to  the  standpoint  of  the 
writers  is  eschatology.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
mysticism  of  Rabbinic  Judaism  seems  to  have  an 
intimate  connection  with  allegorical  exegesis  of  the 
Old  Testament.  Examples  have  been  mentioned 
in  the  case  of  Jochanan  ben  Zakkai.  Significant 
for  the  whole  trend  of  thought  we  are  considering 
is  the  statement  of  Akiba  :  "  The  whole  world 
is  not  worth  so  much  as  the  day  on  which  the 
Song  of  Songs  was  given  to  Israel  ".^  The  full 
import  of  the  saying  becomes  plain  when  we 
remember  that  for  Akiba  the  book  was  an  alle- 
gory of  the  unique  relationship  between  God  and 
Israel.  An  interpretation  starting  with  this  pre- 
^  Bacher,  op.  cit.,  pp.  310,  311. 


62  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

supposition  involved  mystical  conceptions  at  every 
turn.  Thus,  the  Rahha  on  the  Song  of  Songs 
(iii.  8)  compares  the  Shechinah  to  a  cave  by  the 
sea-shore  :  "  The  sea  rushes  in  to  the  cave,  filling 
it,  but  the  sea  is  just  as  full  as  before.  So  the 
Shechinah  pervades  the  Tabernacle  or  the  Temple, 
but  yet  is  quite  as  immanent,  all-pervasive,  in  the 
world  at  large.  "^  The  Haggada  of  Simon  ben 
Jochai,  renowned  as  a  mystic,  is  said  to  be  note- 
worthy for  the  exuberance  of  its  language  as  to 
the  relation  between  God  and  Israel.^ 

Some  light  has  been  shed  by  recent  research 
on  this  obscure  field.  We  are  able  to  discern 
dimly  a  group  of  ancient  Haggadists,  designated 
Doresche  Reschumoth,  i.e.,  "  interpreters  of  hints  ". 
The  name,  given  them  in  Rabbinic  tradition, 
would  at  once  suggest  allegorical  exegetes.  But 
this  seems  to  be  placed  beyond  doubt  by  the 
investigations  of  Lauterbach.^  He  shows  that 
their  characteristic  was  the  estimating  of  Old 
Testament  passages  as  symbols,  whose  figurative 
sense  was  far  more  important  than  the  literal. 

^  See  Abelson,  The  Immanence  of  Ood  in  Eabbinical 
Literature,  p.  110. 

^Bacher,  op.  cit.,  ii.,  p.  79. 

^Jewish  Quarterly  Bevietv,  Jan.,  1911,  asp.  p.  301. 


THE  MYSTEBY-EELIGIONS  53 

While  in  many  respects  they  reveal  marked  re- 
semblances to  Philo  and  the  Alexandrian  type 
of  Judaism,  they  were  apparently  Palestinian 
theologians,  independent,  so  far  as  the  evidence 
goes,  of  external  influences.^  Indeed  Lauterbach 
believes  that  Philo  was  to  some  extent  influenced 
by  them.  It  is  important  to  observe  that  the 
chief  interest  of  these  interpreters  was  practical. 
"  If  thou  desirest  U)  know  Him  by  whose  word 
the  universe  came  into  being,  study  the  Haggada, 
for  from  it  shalt  thou  know  the  Holy  One,  praised 
be  He,  and  cleave  to  His  ways."  ^  Klein  points 
out  that  in  the  essentials  of  their  piety  they  stand 
in  the  direct  succession  of  the  prophets.^  Their 
outlook,  apparently,  was  far  wider  than  that  of 
ordinary  Eabbinism.  And  some  of  their  utter- 
ances suggest  a  more  or  less  direct  affinity  with 
the  Essenes  and  the  Therapeutae.*  Their  mys- 
tical tendencies  seem  to  have  brought  them  under 
suspicion.  For  their  interpretations  have  left 
very  few  traces  in  Rabbinic  literature.  They 
were  felt  to  imperil  the  sacred  Torah.  And  it 
is   quite    possible   that  a   saying   of   Abtaljon's 

1  Lauterbach,  op.  cit.,  pp.  305,  328. 

2  Qu.  by  Klein,  Der  dlteste  christliche  Katechismus,  p.  40. 
^  Op,  cit,  p.  43.  *  Klein,  op.  cit.t  p.  41. 


54  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

(Pirqiie  Aboth,  i.,  12)  is  a  direct  polemic  against 
tham/  Klein  believes  that  a  chief  aim  of  their 
procedure  was  to  win  the  heathen  for  ethical 
monotheism.  If  this  be  so,  it  is  all  the  more  sig- 
nificant to  find  that  Paul  appears  to  follow  their 
method  closely  in  such  passages  as  1  Corinthians 
X.  1  f.^ :  **  Our  fathers  were  all  under  the  cloud, 
and  all  passed  through  the  sea ;  and  were  all 
baptized  into  Moses  in  the  cloud  and  in  the  sea ; 
and  did  all  eat  the  same  spiritual  food ;  and  did 
all  drink  the  same  spiritual  drink  :  for  they  drank 
of  a  spiritual  rock  that  followed  them  :  and  the 
rock  was  Christ ". 

The  tragic  history  of  R  Chanina  b.  Teradjon 
was  connected  in  a  later  tradition  with  the  fact 
that  he  had  pronounced  the  Divine  Name  as  it 
was  written.  "This  probably  implied  that  he 
had  busied  himself  with  mystic  doctrine."  ^  The 
history  of  the  hidden  Divine  Name  {Schem  ham- 
mephorasch)  is  a  complicated  subject,  on  which 
we  must  simply  touch  as  belonging  to  the  essence 
of  Kabbinic  mysticism.     In  Ethiopic  Enoch  (Ixix. 

^  Klein,  op.  cit.^  p.  43,  note  2. 

2  See  Lauterbach,  loc.  dt,  p.  330,  note  33. 

^Bacher,  op.  cit.,  i.,^  p.  397. 


THE  MYSTEEY-RELIGIONS  55 

14),  one  of  the  evil  angels  asks  Michael  "  to  show 
him  the  hidden  name  ".  Various  explanations 
have  been  given.  Klein  has  collected  a  number 
of  passages  from  Rabbinic  tradition  in  favour  of 
his  position  that  the  mystical  name  of  God  is 
Ani  we-hu,  ^'I  and  he,"  a  combination  signifying 
the  most  intimate  relation  conceivable  between 
God  and  His  people.  This  is  an  attractive  hypo- 
thesis, which  must  not,  however,  be  regarded  as 
anything  more.  Even  apart  from  its  validity,  it 
is  quite  possible  that  the  hidden  name  "  conceals 
the  profoundest  mystery  of  religion,  the  iinio 
mt/sticaj  the  demand  for  unity  with  God".  It 
is  in  any  case  noteworthy  that  direct  parallels 
are  found  in  Hellenistic  literature.  Thus,  in  a 
prayer  to  Hermes  (in  a  Papyrus  of  the  British 
Museum)  the  words  occur  :  o-v  yap  iyo)  /cat  iyoj 
(TV,  The  same  formula  is  found  in  a  Leiden 
Papyrus.^  And  in  the  well-known  treatise  of 
Egyptian  Gnosticism,  the  Pistis  Sophia,  Jesus 
is  represented  as  saying :  "  not  only  will  you 
reign  with  Me,  but  all  men  who  shall  receive  the 
mystery  of  the  Ineffable  will  be  kings  with  Me 

1  Klein,  op.  cit.^  p.  48. 

2  Sec  Dieterich,  Eine  Mithrasliturgie,"^  p.  97. 


56  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

in  My  kingdom,  and  I  am  they  and  they  are 
Me  ".1  But  these  phenomena  may  also  suggest 
traces  of  Hellenistic  influence  in  Judaism.  In 
the  magical  Papyri  of  Egypt  mystic  Divine  names 
are  used  as  incantations,  and  many  of  these  are 
derived  from  the  vocabulary  of  Judaism.  The 
same  usage  is,  of  course,  to  be  found  in  Jewish 
magic,  which  here,  as  at  so  many  points,  reveals 
Babylonian  and  Egyptian  influence.  But  we 
have  no  clear  data  for  tracing  the  connection 
which  may  exist  between  the  mystic  doctrine 
of  the  hidden  Divine  Name  and  those  phenomena 
of  Hellenistic  religion  to  which  reference  has 
been  made.  How  widely  the  significance  of  the 
"name"  has  been  diffused  is  apparent  from 
Ephesians  i.  21  :  "  far  above  all  authority  and 
rule,  and  power  and  lordship,  and  every  name 
which  is  named  not  only  in  this  age  but  also  in 
the  coming  one  ". 

Philo,  in  a  remarkable  passage,^  declares  as 
the  aim  of  Moses  in  all  his  legislation  the  estab- 
lishing of  "harmony,  fellowship,  unity  of  mind, 
blending  of  manners,  by  means  of  which  houses 
and  cities,  nations  and  countries,  and  the  whole 

^  Schmidt,  Koptisch-gnostische  Schriften,  i.,  p.  148. 
^Dfi  Humanitate,  119  (ed.  Cohn-Wendland). 


THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS  57 

human  race  should  advance  to  the  highest  well- 
being  ".  This  ideal  is  to  some  extent  the  reflec- 
tion of  actually  existing  tendencies.  We  have 
already  alluded  to  phenomena  in  Judaism  which 
suggest  foreign  influence.  We  must  examine  this 
contact  more  closely.  The  problem  is  of  import- 
ance for  our  discussion,  as  we  have  to  contem- 
plate the  possibility  that  Hellenistic  (including 
Oriental)  conceptions  influenced  Paul  through 
this  medium.^ 

Perhaps  the  most  impressive  example  of  the 
assimilation  of  Judaism  and  Paganism  is  to  be 
found  in  those  mixed  religious  communities,  chiefly 
in  Asia  Minor,  which  recent  research  has  been 
drawing  out  of  their  obscurity.  Sir  W.  M.  Ram- 
say has  n^ost  suggestively  contrasted  the  attitude 
of  the  Jews  to  Greeks  and  Phrygians  respectively. 
In  the  first  case  there  was  an  inherent  racial 
antipathy.  In  the  other  the  Jews  were  brought 
into  touch  with  a  people  of  fundamentally  Orien- 
tal type.^  It  is  evident  from  the  narratives  in  Acts 
that  before  Paul's  first  missionary  journey  through 
Asia  Minor,  Judaism  had  appealed  to  the  natives 
of  Phrygia.     Indeed  the  markedly  Asiatic  char- 

^  See  Wendland,  Die  hellenistisch-romische  Kultur,'^-p.  178. 
^  Historical  Commentary  on  Galatians^  pp.  193-196. 


58  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

acter  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Anatolian  plateau 
was  strikingly  akin  to  the  Semitic.  Even  in 
modern  times,  as  Ramsay  points  out,  the  Jew  has 
stood  in  a  much  more  friendly  relation  towards 
the  Turkish  peasantry  than  towards  the  Greeks. 
This  affinity  had  remarkable  consequences.  An- 
tiochus  the  Great  had  founded  Jewish  colonies 
in  Asia  Minor  about  200  B.C.  It  seems  to  have 
been  due  to  their  influence  that  the  worship  of 
the  Phrygian  deity,  the  Kvpio^  Sa^ct^to?,  was 
blended  with  that  of  the  Old  Testament  Jahweh, 
often  designated  in  the  LXX  as  Kvpios  ^a^aoiO} 
This  cult  possessed  mysteries  closely  akin  to  those 
of  Attis. 

But  the  influence  of  ethnic  ideas  upon  Judaism 
is  discernible  over  a  wide  area.  Gruppe  empha- 
sises the  contact  of  Jewish  thought  with  Oriental 
mysticism  at  an  early  date  in  Samaria,  where 
Chaldaean  astrology  seems  to  have  been  practised.^ 

1  See  Cumont,  Les  Beligions  Orientates,'^  pp.  97,  98  ;  Eisele, 
Neue  Jahrb.  f.  Mass.  Alt.,  1909,  p.  631.  There  is  abundant 
evidence  also  for  votaries  of  ^cos  vi/^to-ros,  the  typical  title  of 
the  God  of  Israel  in  Asia  Minor,  who  had  not  been  Jews,  and 
yet  were  organised  in  associations  apparently  only  semi-pagan. 
See  Schiirer,  Sitzungsb.  d.  Berl.  Akad.,  1897,  pp.  200-225. 

2  Griechische  Mythologie,  ii.,  p.  1608  f. 


THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGIONS  59 

This  is  highly  probable.  But  we  cannot  by  any 
means  limit  the  spheres  in  which  Judaism  came 
into  touch  with  Oriental  syncretism.  If  we  had 
any  clear  data  regarding  religious  life  in  the 
regions  immediately  east  of  Palestine  in  the  Hel- 
lenistic period,  we  might  be  able  to  trace  the  origin 
of  that  elusive  sect,  the  Essenes,  in  which,  along- 
side typically  Jewish  features,  appear  marked 
traces  of  alien  beliefs  and  practices,  as,  e.g,,  their 
daily  prayer  to  the  sun.  But  their  beginnings  are 
wrapped  in  obscurity.  And  the  same  may  be  said 
of  the  Therapeutse,  whose  existence  and  charac- 
teristics are  known  to  us  only  from  Philo's  treatise 
TTepl  ^iov  0€O)pr]TLKov.^  His  description  reveals 
many  indications  of  syncretism.  But  except  for 
the  resemblance  to  be  found  between  them  and 
ethnic  associations  or  guilds,  it  is  impossible  to 
form  definite  conclusions.  Hence  it  seems  hazard- 
ous to  regard  the  Essene  ''  colonies "  as  the 
main  channels  through  which  Persian,  Greek, 
and    Egyptian   ideas  had   penetrated  Judaism.^ 

^  Conybeare,  in  his  masterly  edition  (Oxford,  1896),  has 
adduced  very  convincing  arguments  in  favour  of  its  genuine- 
ness ;  ^ee  especially  his  excursus,  pp.  258-358. 

^  So,  e.g.t  Kohler,  Jewish  Quarterly  Beview^  April,  1893, 
p.  406. 


60  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

Essenism  may  have  been  an  important  link  of 
connection.  But  there  are  gaps  in  the  evidence. 
Unassailable  testimony  to  the  pressure  of  Baby- 
lonian and  Persian  thought  upon  Judaism  is  pre- 
sented by  the  Apocalyptic  literature.  In  this 
instance,  of  course,  the  Exile  supplies  the  start- 
ing-point. The  cosmological  speculations  vrhich 
abound  in  such  documents  as  the  Ethiopic  and  the 
Slavonic  Enoch  are  plainly  traceable  to  the  astro- 
nomical theology  of  Babylon,  which  extended  its 
sway  in  all  directions.  It  is  here  in  all  likelihood 
that  we  must  look  for  the  ultimate  origin  of 
that  worship  of  the  elements  or  elemental  spirits 
{(TTOLx^ia)  which  had  crept  into  Judaism.  As  in 
the  case  of  similar  Oriental  influences,  the  religion 
of  Persia  may  have  been  the  direct  medium,  for 
in  it  the  elements  play  an  exceedingly  important 
part.^  But  since  it  is  difficult,  in  this  phase  of 
religion,  to  make  sharp  distinctions  between  the 
spirits  of  the  elements  and  those  of  the  planets, 
Babylonian  theology  seems  to  lie  in  the  back- 
ground. Abundant  evidence  as  to  these  ele- 
mental spirits  occurs,  e.g.^  in  Ethiopic  Enoch 
Ix.  11-23  ;  Jubilees  ii. ;  Ascension  of  Isaiah  iv. 
18 ;  and  the  Christian  Apocalypse  xiv.  18,  xvi. 
^  See  Bousset,  Hauptprobleme  d,  GnosiSy  p.  223  f. 


THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  61 

5.  Particularly  important  for  our  discussion 
is  Paul's  use  of  a-roix'^la  in  Galatians  iv.  3, 
9,  already  quoted,  and  Colossians  ii.  8,  20  : 
"  Take  heed  lest  there  shall  be  any  one  that 
makes  spoil  of  you  through  his  philosophy  and 
vain  deceit,  after  the  tradition  of  men,  after  the 
oTToix^la  of  the  world,  and  not  after  Christ.  .  .  . 
If  you  died  with  Christ  from  the  a-TOLxeio-  of  the 
world,  why,  as  though  living  in  the  world,  do  you 
subject  yourselves  to  ordinances  ? "  And  the 
whole  subject  is  illumined  by  a  passage  in  the 
second-century,  Ki^pvy/xa  Uerpov  (Preuschen,  A7i- 
tileg07nena,  p.  52)  :  fxrjSe  /caret  'louSatou?  crefiecrOe* 
/cat  yap  e/C€ti/ot  [jlovol  olofxevoL  rov  Seov  yivoycTKeiv 
ovK  iTTLCTTavTaL  XuT p€VOJ/T€<;  dyycXot?  /cat  dp^oiyye- 
Xot9,  Mrjvl  /cat  teXrjpr]  :  ^  *'  Worship  not  after  the 
Jewish  fashion.  For  the  Jews,  supposing  that 
they  alone  know  God,  do  not  know  Him,  render- 
ing worship  to  angels  and  archangels,  to  M^n  and 
Sel^n§."  Both  of  these  were  lunar  deities.  The 
manifold  possibilities  of  contact  between  Judaism 
and  Babylonian  doctrine  are  thrown  into  relief  by 
such  facts  as  the  penetration  of  Babylonian  ideas 

^  See  Eeitzenstein,  Poiviandres,  p.  73  f.,  who  finds  an 
intimate  relation  between  this  Jewish  mysticism  and  Hermetic 
doctrine. 


62  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

into  Syria,  and  the  presence  in  Palmyra,  where 
Babylonian  astrology  was  popular,  of  a  large 
Jewish  colony  which  seems  to  have  compromised 
with  Paganism.^  The  influence  of  Persian  beliefs 
on  the  Jews  has  at  times  been  exaggerated.^  Yet 
it  would  be  futile  to  deny  it  in  such  spheres  as 
angelology  and  demonology,  and  possibly  in  such 
apocalyptic  conceptions  as  that  of  the  end  of  the 
world.  And  there  is  at  least  some  affinity  be- 
tween Persian  dualism  and  the  corresponding 
strain  in  Jewish  Apocalyptic.^ 

We  have  already  suggested  that  the  Jewish 
idea  of  the  all-powerful  ''  Name  "  must  have  links 
of  connection  with  Pagan  magical  ideas.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  Jacob  has  brought  forward  strong 
arguments  for  the  Egyptian  origin  of  this  belief,* 
but  kindred  notions  are  universal  in  primitive 
society.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  our  knowledge 
of  Egyptian  magic  has  been  largely  augmented  by 
the  magical  papyri  which  have  recently  come  to 
light.      They  reveal  a  fundamentally   Egyptian 

^  See  Cumont,  op.  cit,  pp.  182  f.,  367,  368. 
'  E.g.,  in  our  judgment,  by  Bousset,  Religion  des  Juden- 
tums,^  p.  582  f.,  et  al. 

'  See  Bousset,  op.  cit.,  p.  585  f. 
*  Im  Namen  Gottes,  Berlin,  1903. 


THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGTONS  63 

ground-work.  This  might  be  expected,  as  from 
ancient  times  magic  formed  an  all-important 
feature  in  Egyptian  religion.^  But  these  texts 
have  incorporated  many  Jewish  elements,  more 
especially  forms  of  the  Divine  Name,  such  as  'law, 
'A/3/ota6i,  *ASwi/at,  and  famous  Jewish  names  like 
Abraham,  Jacob,  Moses,  etc.  Typical  examples 
will  be  found  in  the  Mova^  rj  'OySor)  Moivo-eo)?, 
edited  by  Dieterich.^  The  translation  of  the  Old 
Testament  into  Greek  has,  as  Hubert  observes, 
contributed  a  new  magical  mythology  to  Egyptian 
religion.^  But  the  notable  fact  is  the  action  and 
reaction  between  Egyptian  and  Jewish  ideas. 
For  there  seem  to  be  here  and  there  distinctly 
Jewish  insertions  in  the  texts,  which  are,  no 
doubt,  modelled  on  Egyptian  tradition.  We  have 
here  basal  elements  of  that  Jewish  magical  litera- 
ture which  reached  its  zenith  in  the  Middle  Ages.* 
This  interchange  is  highly  characteristic  of  Hel- 

*  See,  e.g.,  Erman,  Die  dgyptische  Religion,^  p.  167  £f. 

*  In  Abraxas,  see  especially  p.  201  fif. 

'  See  his  exhaustive  article,  "  Magia,"  in  Daremberg  et 
Saglio,  Dictionnaire  des  Antiquites,  Tome  iii.,  partie  2,  pp. 
1494-1521,  and  especially  p.  1505. 

*  Of.  Reitzenstein,  Poimandres,  pp.  14,  note  1,  186,  189, 
note  1. 


64  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

lenistic  syncretism.  It  leaves  open  the  possibility 
of  Jewish  and  even  Christian  influence  in  the 
case  of  conceptions  which  are  often  treated  as 
wholly  independent  in  their  origin,  and  supposed 
to  have  had  a  share  in  moulding,  e,g,,  the  thought 
of  St.  Paul.  Gnostic  communities  must  as  fre- 
quently have  been  the  channels  for  diffusing 
Christian  ideas  as  for  the  propagation  of  Hellenic 
or  Oriental  doctrines.  An  interesting  example 
of  such  a  possibility  is  found  in  the  remarkable 
resemblance  between  the  theological  ideas  of  the 
Hermetic  document  Poimandres  and  the  letter  of 
Ptolemseus  to  Flora,  a  product  of  Valentinian 
Gnosticism.  And  the  terminology  of  various  magi- 
cal papyri  strongly  suggests  Christian  influence.^ 

When  we  speak  of  the  accessibility  of  Judaism 
to  contemporary  religious  syncretism,  the  remark- 
able figure  of  Philo  inevitably  stands  out  before 
us.  For,  in  the  light  of  our  present  discussion,  it 
is  scarcely  legitimate  to  regard  him,  with  some 
scholars,^  as  an  isolated  phenomenon.     It  is  true 

1  See  some  very  suggestive  paragraphs  in  Ejrebs,  Der  Logos 
als  Heilarid,  pp.  71  f.,  147,  163.  KroU  denies  this  possibility 
for  Hermetic  literature,  but  without  offering  any  arguments, 
op.  city  sp.  821. 

^  E.g.,  Bousset,  op.  cit,  p.  501,  as  against  Harnack, 
Schwartz,  and  Lebreton,  Les  Theories  du  Logos,  who  gives 


THE  MYSTERY-EELIGIONS  65 

that  Alexandrian  Judaism  had  no  transforming 
effect  on  the  Jews  of  the  Diaspora.  But  Philo  is 
a  crucial  example  of  a  Jewish  religious  thinker 
in  whom  diverse  strains  of  thought  and  feeling, 
both  inherited  and  acquired,  are  curiously  amal- 
gamated. The  most  common  estimate  of  him  is 
that  of  an  extravagant  allegoriser  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, concerned  above  all  else  to  make  the 
Divine  revelation  given  through  Moses  square 
completely  with  Greek  philosophy.  But  the  at- 
mosphere of  his  allegorical  activity  is  often  ig- 
nored. Allegory  he  describes  as  dear  to  opariKoU 
apSpda-Lv,  "■  men  of  vision  ".^  Eeitzenstein  gives 
good  reasons  for  believing  that  the  term  oparLKoC 
in  Philo  is  virtually  equivalent  to  nvevfxaTLKoi  or 
yv(t)(TTLKoi,  those  who  attain  to  the  real  vision  of 
God.^  And  here  we  come  at  once  into  the  circle 
of  mysticism.  Indeed  Philo  addresses  those  who 
reach  the  highest  kind  of  knowledge  as  /Avo-rat 
KeKaOapfxepoL  ra  wra,  and  he  beseeches  them  to 
receive  it  as  Upa  fiva-r-qpLa.^    That  these  are  not 

a  conspectus  of  the  passages  in  which  Philo  refers  to  "men 
of  deep  research  "  who  preceded  him. 

1  De  Plantatione,  36  (ed.  C.  W.). 

^  Die  hellenistischen  Mysterienreligionen,  pp.  144-146. 

*De  Cherubim,  48  (ed.  C.  W.). 

5 


66  JEWISH  AFFINITIES  WITH 

merely  artificial  terms  taken  over  from  the  lan- 
guage of  the  mysteries  is  evident  from  his  appeal 
to  the  soul.  "  If  a  yearning  come  upon  thee 
to  have  share  in  Divine  blessedness  .  .  .  escape 
from  thyself  and  go  out  of  thyself  {iKo-r-qOi  creavTTj^) 
in  a  Bacchic  frenzy  and  divinely  inspired  like 
those  who  are  possessed  and  filled  vrith  Cory- 
bantic  delirium."  ^  Here  is  genuine  l/ccrrao-i?. 
And  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Philo  speaks 
from  personal  experience.  "  At  times,  coming  to 
my  work  empty,  I  have  suddenly  become  full, 
ideas  being  sown  upon  me  in  showers  from  above, 
so  that  by  Divine  possession  I  am  in  a  condition 
of  frenzy  {Kopv^avnav)  and  ignorant  of  every- 
thing, the  place,  the  company,  myself,  what  was 
spoken,  what  was  written.  For  I  received  a  flow 
of  interpretation  [so  Markland],  an  enjoyment  of 
light,  a  vision  of   piercing  clearness."  ^     Unques- 

1  Quis  Ber.  Div.  Heres,  69  (od.  C.  W.).  See  Bousset,  op. 
cit.,  p.  517,  note  2,  for  an  interesting  list  of  terms  in  Philo 
associated  with  ecstatic  experiences. 

^  De  Migratione  Abrahami,  35  (ed.  C.  W.).  Additional 
striking  references  in  Brehier,  Les  Idees  Philosophiques  et 
Beligieuses  de  Philon,  who  gives  a  luminous  account  of 
Philo's  conception  of  ecstasy  and  prophetic  inspiration,  pp. 
188-200,  but  lays  stress  far  too  exclusively  on  the  Platonic 
character  of  his*  mysticism. 


THE  MYSTEBY-EELIGIONS  67 

tionably  Platonic  and  Stoic  influences  are  dis- 
cernible in  Philo's  ecstatic  mysticism.  But  there 
are  elements  closely  akin  to  the  prophetic  ecstasy 
of  the  Old  Testament.  And  side  by  side  with 
these  strains  may  be  traced  the  influence  of  mys- 
tery-religions. 

We  have  restricted  this  brief  discussion  of  Philo 
to  the  single  feature  of  his  mystic  ecstasy,  partly 
because  it  suggests  a  parallelism  with  certain 
phenomena  in  the  religion  of  Paul,  and  partly 
because  it  discloses  as  its  core  and  kernel  a  genu- 
ine personal  experience,  which  may  of  course 
be  expressed  in  terms  belonging  to  the  religious 
syncretism  of  his  age,  but  cannot  be  completely 
explained  either  from  the  Platonic-Stoic  influence 
of  Posidonius  or  from  the  mystery-doctrines  of 
Hellenised  Egyptian  theology.^ 

1  Kroll  would  virtually  identify  these  mystery-doctrines 
with  the  tendency  which  appears  in  Posidonius.  He  refuses 
to  believe  in  any  marked  Egyptian  tradition  in  the  Hermetic 
literature,  op,  cit,  spp.  815,  816. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   CHARACTER  AND   INFLUENCE   OF   THE 
MYSTERY-RELIGIONS 

We  know  far  less  about  the  actual  rites  and 
doctrines  of  the  Mystery-Religions  in  the  Graeco- 
Roman  world  than  we  do  of  their  wide  diffusion 
and  potent  influence.  This  is  not  surprising,  for 
on  the  one  hand  their  votaries  were  strictly 
enjoined  to  keep  silent  on  their  most  sacred 
experiences,^  and,  on  the  other,  stern  critics  of 
Paganism  like  the  early  Christian  Fathers  must 
inevitably  have  been  biassed  in  their  casual  re- 
presentations of  the  facts.  The  literary  remains 
of  these  communities  are  very  scanty.  Some 
mystic  formulae,  a  few  hymns  and  prayers,  some 
narratives  of  initiations  and  allied  ceremonial 
practically  exhaust  the  list.  To  supplement 
them,  there  are  vague  illusions  and  isolated  frag- 
ments of  information  which  may  be  pieced  to- 

1  Cf.  the  utterances  of  the  Emperor  Julian  as  to  secrecy 
regarding  his  initiation  into  the  rites  of  Attis  (Hepding,  Attis, 
p.  180). 

(68) 


CHAEACTEE  OF  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS      69 

gether  from  Hellenistic  and  early  Christian 
writers.  Further,  the  extant  material  has  to 
be  used  with  caution.  For  it  is  often  impossible 
to  fix  dates  with  any  certainty.  Thus,  e.g.^  the 
Corpus  of  Hermetic  writings  contains  elements 
from  widely  separated  periods.  Of  the  character 
of  the  so-called  Liturgy  of  Mithra,  so  competent 
an  authority  as  R.  Wlinsch  can  only  say  :  "  Before 
we  are  in  a  position  to  judge  with  certainty,  we 
must  have  a  much  clearer  view  of  the  history 
of  syncretism  in  Egypt ''}  Some  chronological 
landmarks,  however,  can  be  discerned.  The  fam- 
ous description  of  the  initiation  of  Lucius  into 
the  Mysteries  of  Isis  at  Cenchrese  (Apul.  Metam, 
xi.,  18-25)  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  second 
century  a.d.,  but  the  elaborate  ritual  and  the 
remarkable  prayers  plainly  presuppose  a  long 
history  lying  behind.  The  same  thing  is  true 
of  the  mystic  formulae.  They  bear  the  stamp 
of  antiquity,  and  in  some  instances  their  actual 
relations  with  primitive  ideas  can  be  demon- 
strated. Moreover,  there  are  special  strains  of 
religious  thought  and  feeling  more  or  less  com- 
mon to  all  the  Mystery-Religions,  such  as  that 
of  regeneration  (in  some  sense)  and  union  or 
^  Eine  MithrasUturgie,  ed.  2,  p.  228. 


70  CHAEACTER  AND  INFLUENCE 

communion  with  deity.  These  appear  and  re- 
appear in  documents  far  removed  from  each 
other,  and  belonging  to  different  spheres  of 
culture.  No  doubt  there  must  have  been  much 
mutual  interchange  between  the  various  types 
of  mystic  religion.  But  such  phenomena  de- 
mand time.  And  the  time  required  will  pro- 
bably have  to  be  measured  by  half-centuries 
rather  than  decades.  It  is  perhaps  true,  as 
Schweitzer  asserts,  that  Paul  cannot  have  known 
the  Mystery-Religions  as  we  know  them,  because 
they  did  not  yet  exist  in  this  elaborated  form.^ 
But  the  ''elaborated  form,"  which  we  can  trace 
in  the  second  and  third  centuries  a.d.,  postulates 
a  lengthy  development,  and  it  is  hazardous  to 
dogmatise  as  to  what  was  or  was  not  possible, 
say,  in  the  period  from  30  to  100  a.d.,  or  even 
earlier.  Without  discussing  at  present  the  ex- 
tent to  which  Oriental  mystic  cults  may  have 
been ,  influenced  by  the  Greek  Mysteries  in  the 
Hellenistic  area,  a  fact  which  is  scarcely  open  to 
question, 2  it  appears  to  us  more  than  probable  that 
their  extraordinary  sway  in  the  opening  years  of 

^  Oeschichte  der  Paulin.  ForscMmg,  p.  150. 
2  See,  e.g.,  Otto,  Priester  u.  Tempel  im  Hellenist  Agypten, 
i.,  132 ;  ii.,  222,  note  L 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  71 

the  Imperial  epoch  was  due  to  something  deeper 
than  their  external  pomp  or  the  magical  arts  at 
their  disposal. 

The  meagre  available  data  we  are  bound  to 
interpret  in  the  Hght  of  parallel  religious  pheno- 
mena, present  in  every  age.  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe,  e.g.^  in  the  case  of  the  State- 
Mysteries  of  Eleusis,  that  the  effect  produced 
on  the  initiated  was  not  merely  that  of  an  im- 
posing ritual.  In  a  former  chapter  we  referred 
to  the  highly  complex  Orphic  movement.  Here, 
too,  there  is  a  danger  of  confining  attention  to 
the  more  obvious  features.  There  is  genuine 
truth  in  Monceaux'  statement  that  Orphism 
'*  gathered  an  elite  from  among  the  worshippers 
of  Dionysus  ".^  But  it  is  precarious,  in  view 
of  the  sporadic  traces  of  Orphic  beliefs  and 
practices  found  throughout  the  Hellenistic  world 
from  the  sixth  century  downwards,  to  restrict  its 
bona  fide  influence  to  philosophers  and  poets,  as 
he  does,  and  to  class  all  other  alleged  adherents 
with  the  notorious  'O/x^eoreXeo-rat  who  traded 
on  popular  credulity.^     Indeed,  the  analogy  of  all 

lArt.  "Orphici"  in  Daremberg  et  Saglio's  Dictionnaire, 
Tome  iv.,  partie  1,  p.  247. 

2  Prof.  A.  E.  Taylor  seems  inclined  to  make  the  same 
sharp  twofold  division  (Varia  Socratica,  l,  pp.  26,  27). 


72  CHABACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

similar  "  conventicles  "  in  the  history  of  religion 
admonishes  us  to  leave  room  within  them  for 
varying  shades  of  faith  and  earnestness. 

A  most  important  source  of  evidence  for  the 
diffusion  and  influence  of  the  Mystery-Religions 
is  to  be  found  in  the  numerous  inscriptions  which 
give  us  glimpses  into  the  life  of  religious  associa- 
tions. From  the  days  of  the  Attic  opyecove^;^  those 
private  corporations  of  the  worshippers  of  some 
local  god  or  hero  which  we  can  trace  as  far  back 
as  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  this  phase  of  religious 
life  becomes  more  and  more  prominent  in  the 
Hellenic  world.  As  Kaerst  has  admirably  shown, 
the  religion  of  the  Hellenistic  period  finds  its 
characteristic  type  in  the  cult-brotherhood,  the 
diaa-o^.^  The  old  faith  of  the  Greek  ttoXis  had 
broken  down.  The  new  era  inaugurated  by  the 
policy  of  Alexander  the  Great  by  its  very  expan- 
siveness  favoured  individualism.  Once  the  sanc- 
tions of  the  city-state  had  lost  their  validity,  the 
individual  saw  the  world  lying  open  before  him. 
In  theory  he  became  cosmopolitan,  but  in  practice 
he  was  confronted  by  masses  of  new  facts  which 
disintegrated  his  traditional  beliefs  and  threw 
him    back    upon    himself.     The    successors    of 

^  Geschichte  d.  hellenistischen  Zeitalters,  II.,  i.,  p.  280. 


OF  THE  MYSTERY-KELIGIONS  73 

Alexander,  more  especially  the  Ptolemies  and 
the  Seleucidse,  attempted  to  replace  the  state- 
religion  by  worship  of  the  ruler.  The  attempt 
succeeded  as  a  political  symbol.  But  the  pres- 
sure of  religious  need  banded  men  together  in 
larger  and  smaller  groups,  dedicated  to  the 
worship  and  service  of  a  deity  or  group  of 
deities. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  earliest  inscrip- 
tions in  Attica  which  record  these  associations  of 
Oiao-coTaL  reveal  a  largely  preponderating  element 
of  foreigners  among  their  members.  ^  And  they 
are  found  predominantly  at  busy  seaports  like  the 
Pirseus.  On  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  and  in  the 
islands  of  the  ^gsean,  diao-oi  can  be  traced  in 
considerable  numbers  before  the  Christian  era. 
Poland  thinks  that  the  term  still  points  to  a  con- 
nection with  Dionysiac  worship.  In  the  Imperial 
period  associations  of  jutuo-rat,  initiates,  emerge  in 
the  same  regions  as  those  in  which  the  Biacroi 
flourished,  especially  in  Asia  Minor.  Smyrna  and 
Ephesus  appear  to  have  been  important  centres 

^  See  Fr.  Poland,  Geschichte  d.  griechischen  Vereinswesens, 
1909,  p.  20.  Few  modern  scholars  would  support  Foucart's 
hypothesis  that  all  the  Attic  cult-associations  were  of  foreign 
origin. 


74  CHAEACTEB  AND  INFLUENCE 

of  these  mystic  brotherhoods. ^  It  is  significant 
that  in  the  Imperial  era  Dionysus  is  constantly 
associated  with  cult-guilds,  either  as  chief  deity 
or  in  combination  with  others.  His  designation 
of  ^aK^os  seems  to  have  a  special  relation  to 
mystery-associations.  The  area  of  his  influence 
is  extraordinarily  wide.  Beginning  with  the 
Aiovvo-Laa-TaC  of  the  Pirseus  about  180  B.C.,  we 
find  similar  guilds  prominently  represented  in 
important  centres  like  Rhodes  and  Thera.^  In 
Thracian  territory,  the  original  home  of  Dionysus, 
a  considerable  number  of  mystic  associations 
flourished,  ^.^.,  at  Philippi  and  in  its  neighbourhood 
(jLtvcrrat  Aiovvaov,  Bulletin  de  Corresp.  Hellhiique, 
xxiv.,  p.  304  f.).  Asia  Minor  supplies  abundant 
material.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  cult  of 
Dionysus  had  intimate  affinities  in  these  religious 
unions  with  those  of  the  Phrygian  deities,  the 
Great  Mother  and  Sabazius,  although  we  do  not 
possess  sufticient  data  to  elucidate  the  question. 
Here  we  are  confronted  by  foreign  cult-associa- 

^  See  Poland,  op,  cit.,  p.  38,  and  the  references  to  Inscrr., 
pp.  568,  569.     The  dates  extend  over  a  wide  period. 

"^  See  the  numerous  Inscrr.  of  first  and  second  centuries 
B.C.  in  Poland,  op,  cit.,  pp.  564,  565. 


OF  THE  MYSTEBY-KELIGIONS  76 

tions,  which  are  of  »uch  crucial  importance  for  our 
discussion. 

As  early  as  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  we  have 
evidence  in  the  Piraeus  of  an  association  of  opyeoii/e?, 
worshippers  of  the  Great  Mother,  whom  they 
style  "the  goddess".  In  Asia  Minor  she  is  a 
favourite  brotherhood-deity,  and  Attis  is  asso- 
ciated with  her.  The  traces  of  Sabazius-unions 
are  often  mixed  up  with  those  of  worshippers  of 
0€o^  v\\fi(rro<;.  Egyptian  deities  occupy  a  pecu- 
liarly prominent  place.  Serapis-associations 
abound  in  the  islands  of  the  ^gaean,  many  of 
them  earlier  than  the  Christian  era.  They  are 
found  in  Attica  about  250  B.C.  It  is  practically 
certain  that  Isis  was  reverenced  along  with  her 
consort,  but  frequently  she  received  independent 
recognition.  Associations  of  'Icrtao-rat  are  found, 
e.g.,  in  Rhodes  in  the  first  century  b.c.  These 
phenomena  are  not  merely  due  to  the  propa- 
ganda of  a  nation  of  enterprising  traders  like  the 
Egyptians.  The  Ptolemaic  dynasty  stood  in  a 
special  relation  to  the  deities  Serapis,  Isis,  and 
Osiris.  They  were  conscious  of  the  affinity  be- 
tween Isis  and  Demeter,  between  Osiris  and 
Dionysus.     Serapis  seems  to  have  been  a  syncre- 


76  CHARACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

tistic  deity  from  the  outset.  In  any  case,  owing  to 
the  shrewd  policy  of  the  reigning  house,  these 
deities  became,  as  Kaerst  says,  ''  characteristic 
figures  of  rehgious  syncretism,  and  at  the  same 
time  symbols  of  the  power  and  unique  dignity 
which  belonged  to  the  Ptolemaic  rulers,  the  most 
successful  representatives  of  a  syncretistic  Re- 
ligions-politik  ".^  Accordingly,  the  area  over  which 
Egyptian  cult-brotherhoods  extend  corresponds 
roughly  to  the  sphere  of  influence  of  the  Ptolemaic 
dynasty.^ 

A  word  must  be  said  as  to  the  deities  of  Samo- 
thrace.  Possibly  of  Phoenician  origin,  they  reveal 
Chthonian  affinities,  being  closely  allied  with  such 
Greek  divinities  as  Hephaestus,  Demeter,  and 
Kore.  They  are  worshipped  in  an  influential 
mystery-cult.  But  their  identification  with  a 
large  variety  of  gods  is  proof  of  their  syncretistic 
character.  Their  cult  was  peculiarly  favoured  by 
the  monarchs  who  divided  Alexander's  dominions, 
especially  by  the  Ptolemies,^  and  they  also  were 
honoured  with  the  reverence  of  religious  brother- 
hoods.  A  similar  diffusion  of  religious  associations 

^  0^.  cit,  p.  273. 

^  See  Poland's  important  discussion,  op.  cit.,  pp.  522-524. 

» See  Kaerst,  op.  cit,  p.  279. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  77 

is  discernible  in  the  Roman  world.  Livy  describes 
guilds  of  Bacchus-worshippers,  who  engaged  in 
mystic  ritual,  as  far  back  as  186  B.C.  In  the  days 
of  Sulla  (t  78  B.C.),  collegia  devoted  to  the  wor- 
ship of  Egyptian  deities,  such  as  Osiris  and 
Isis,  can  be  vouched  for  in  Italy  (Apul.  Metam. 
xi.,  30).  Isiac  guilds  were  already  notorious  in  the 
Rome  of  the  first  century  a.d.^ 

One  or  two  features  of  the  religious  situation 
just  delineated  deserve  emphasis.  The  favourite 
deities  of  the  associations  are  foreign.  The  Hel- 
lenic gods  who  appear  among  them  have  already 
been  connected  with  a  mystic  worship,  or  are 
noted  for  their  saving  energies,  as,  e.g.,  ^scu- 
lapius.  The  members  of  the  guilds  are  pre- 
dominantly foreigners,  and  a  single  association 
frequently  contains  representatives  of  many  lands. 
Sometimes  a  number  of  deities  share  in  the  com- 
mon worship  of  the  '*  brethren  ".  The  most  eager 
religious  life  of  these  brotherhoods  belongs  to 
great  commercial  centres  like  Athens,  Delos, 
and  Rhodes,  where  foreigners  might  be  expected 
to  congregate.     Such  cosmopolitan  communities 

1  See  Kornemann,  art.  "Collegium,"  in  Pauly-Wissowa, 
R.E.,  vol.  iv.,  sp.  386  f.  ;  Dill,  Boman  Society  from  Nero  to 
Marcus  Aurelius^  p.  581. 


78  CHAEACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

would  present  unusual  facilities  for  religious  pro- 
paganda. It  is  needless  to  call  attention  to  the 
effect  of  the  brotherhoods  in  producing  a  spirit 
of  equality  among  their  members.  But  recent 
research  has  shown  that  Foucart^  and  others 
have  exaggerated  the  position  assigned  in  them 
to  women  and  slaves,  at  least  in  the  non-Latin 
area.^  The  ethical  tone  of  Grseco-Eoman  religious 
associations  has  been  severely  criticised,  largely 
on  the  basis  of  statements  found  in  the  early 
Fathers.  No  doubt  the  moral  standard  was  often 
low  enough.  But  there  is  little  unprejudiced  evi- 
dence available.  And  we  have  hints  here  and 
there  of  a  higher  ideal,  as,  e.g.,  in  an  Inscr.  of 
Ephesus  (c.  83  a.d.),  in  which  purity  is  laid  down 
as  indispensable  for  guilds  of  initiates.  It  would 
be  generally  admitted  that  a  large  part  of  the 
fascination  of  these  brotherhoods  lay  in  the  halo 
of  mystery  which  surrounded  them,  and  the  eso- 
teric ritual  through  which  admission  was  gained. 
But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  under  the  in- 
fluence of  popular  philosophy  the  various  mystic 
cults  became  gradually  purified.    Whatever  name 

1  Les  associations  religieuses,  p.  5  f. 

^  See  Poland,  op.  cit.,  pp.  298,  328  f.     In  Roman  collegia 
the  circumstances  were  evidently  much  more  favourable. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  79 

they  bear,  their  ultimate  aim  was  identical — to 
raise  the  soul  above  the  transiency  of  perishable 
matter  to  an  immortal  life  through  actual  union 
with  the  Divine.^ 

These  associations  of  initiates  formed  an  in- 
tegral part  of  St.  Paul's  environment  as  he 
laboured  in  great  centres  of  population  like 
Antioch,  Ephesus,  Corinth,  and  Rome.  There 
is  nothing  far-fetched  in  the  hypothesis  that 
many  of  the  Pagans  who  were  attracted  to  his 
preaching,  many  even  of  those  who  were  already 
God-fearers  (cre^o/xei/oc  top  Oeop)^  had  belonged 
to  mystic  brotherhoods.  When  a  new  group 
of  travelling  preachers  from  the  East  proclaimed 
the  promise  of  croiTiqpla  and  the  assurance  of 
life  eternal,  their  message  was  bound  to  appeal 
to  such  an  audience.  Inevitably,  therefore,  the 
great  missionary  would  be  brought  into  personal 
touch  with  inquirers  of  this  type.  And  as  he 
sought  to  instruct  them  in  *'  the  mystery  of  God, 
even  Christ,  in  whom  are  hid  all  the  treasures 
of  wisdom  and  knowledge "  (Col.  ii.  2),  he 
must  have  gained  a  first-hand  acquaintance  with 
those  religious  conceptions  by  which  they  had 

^  See  an  admirable  statement  in  Jacoby,  Du  ajitiken  Mys- 
t-erienreligionen,  pp.  12, 13. 


80  CHAKACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

attempted  to  reach  spiritual  peace.  Heinrici 
has  tried  to  establish  a  detailed  parallel  between 
Pagan  religious  guilds  and  early  Christian  com- 
munities, e.g.,  at  Corinth.  He  has  adduced  many 
remarkable  resemblances  and  shown  some  real 
points  of  contact.  But  we  know  too  little 
about  the  organisation  either  of  Pagan  or  early 
Christian  societies  to  be  able  to  accept  his  con- 
clusion that  the  Christian  community  at  Corinth 
was  nothing  else  than  a  heathen  religious  guild 
transformed.^  At  the  same  time,  the  material 
which  he  has  collected  is  very  impressive  as  in- 
dicating the  importance  of  these  brotherhoods 
for  the  background  of  the  Christian  Church  in 
the  Apostolic  age. 

We  must  now  attempt  to  estimate  as  concisely 
as  possible  the  most  typical  Mystery-Eeligions 
of  the  Grseco-Eoman  world,  endeavouring  most 
of  all  to  bring  out  their  main  characteristics  in 
the  light  of  recent  research.  These  character- 
istics will  be  found  to  blend  more  or  less  in  a 
common  complex  of  ideas,  which  cannot  be 
explained  from  mere  processes  of  mutual  bor- 
rowing.    We  shall  examine  in  turn  the  State- 

'^Zeitschr.  f.  wiss.  TheoL,  1876,  pp.  455-526,  see  esp. 
484-490,  503-510. 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGIONS  81 

Mysteries  of  Eleusis,  the  Mystery-Cults  of  the 
Great  Mother  (with  Attis)  and  of  Isis  (with 
Serapis),  and  the  typically  Hellenistic  religious 
phenomena  connected  with  the  Hermetic  mys- 
tery-literature. This  will  provide  an  atmosphere 
for  the  detailed  comparison  of  their  conceptions 
with  Pauline  ideas. 

Many  scholars  are  still  accustomed  to  draw  a 
sharp  line  of  cleavage  between  the  State-regu- 
lated Mysteries  of  Eleusis  and  the  more  private 
and  individualistic  mystery-cults  which  proved 
to  be  such  formidable  rivals.  A  few  crucial 
differences,  of  course,  lie  on  the  surface.  In  the 
hey-day  of  Athenian  prosperity,  the  Mysteries  of 
Eleusis  were  little  less  than  a  national  Hellenic 
festival.  As  far  back  as  the  time  of  Herodotus, 
all  Greeks  were  eligible  for  initiation.  The  ac- 
companiments of  the  festival  were  on  a  public 
scale.  Such  an  institution  was  peculiarly  ex- 
posed to  the  risk  of  externaHsm  and  formality. 
And  there  is  sufficient  evidence  that  the  risk  was 
not  avoided.  To  the  multitudes  which  thronged 
the  sacred  precincts  the  whole  ceremonial  must 
often  have  appeared  no  more  than  an  imposing 
religious  demonstration.     In  contrast,  the  private 

Oiacroi  offered  something  more  personal  and  in- 

6 


82  CHAEACTER  AND  INFLUENCE 

timate.  There  was  the  bond  of  a  human  fellow- 
ship in  communion  with  the  special  deity.  There 
was  the  call  to  a  brotherhood  which  ignored 
distinctions  of  race  or  status.  There  was  the 
demand  for  self-denial.  There  was  the  con- 
straint of  a  life-long  obligation.^  Now,  no 
doubt  the  influence  of  private  associations  must 
have  reacted  on  the  national  mysteries  in  the 
way  of  deepening  their  religious  significance. 
But  we  are  almost  compelled  to  believe,  on  the 
strength  of  the  meagre  data  still  extant,  that 
the  initiation  at  Eleusis  already  contained  the 
germs  of  a  higher  religious  outlook,  admitting, 
of  course,  that  these  had  often  to  be  quickened 
into  a  more  vigorous  life.  In  a  region  where  so 
much  is  matter  of  controversy,  let  us  first  briefly 
summarise  some  facts  on  which  there  is  more  or 
less  general  agreement. 

Most  modern  scholars  have  rejected  Foucart's 
hypothesis  that  the  aim  of  the  Eleusinian  Mys- 
teries was  to  furnish  the  initiated  with  a  stock 
of  magic  formulae  for  escaping  the  dangers  which 
attended  the  soul  on  its  journey  to  the  world  of 
the   departed.     The  intention  was  to  create  an 

^  See  Eisele,  Neue  Jahrb.  f.  d.  klass.  Alter  turn,  1909,  p. 
627. 


OF  THE  MYSTERY-RELIGIONS  83 

overpowering  impression  rather  than  to  com- 
municate esoteric  doctrines.  Synesius^  quotes 
the  judgment  of  Aristotle :  ov  jxaOeip  tl  Seii/ 
dXXa  waOelv.  There  was  an  elaborate  cere- 
monial of  preparation  which  included,  as  perhaps 
its  most  important  element,  rites  of  purification 
(KaOapfxos),  and  a  long  interval  had  to  elapse 
between  admission  to  the  Lesser  Mysteries  at 
Athens  and  the  complete  initiation  at  Eleusis. 
There  was  a  sacred  exhortation,  possibly  an 
explanation  of  the  mystic  actions  performed 
{t€\€T7J^  Tra/DctSoo-is).  The  climax  consisted  in 
the  iTTOTTTeLa,^  the  vision  of  the  sacred  scenes, 
accompanied  by  the  handling  of  certain  holy 
things.^  The  final  rites  must  have  been  per- 
formed in  an  atmosphere  of  highly  intensified 
feeling. 

Extreme  divergence  of  opinion  prevails  as  to 
the  full  significance  and  effect  of  the  ritual  and 
its  accompaniments.  While  it  is  universally 
admitted  that  with  the  secret  ceremonies  was 

1  De  Dione,  10. 

2  See  Theon  Smyrnaeus,  De  Util.  Mathem.,  p.  15. 

2  Cf.  the  mystic  formula  found  in  Clem.  Alex,  and  Arnobius : 
€vrj(TT€V(Ta,  iTTiov  Tov  KVK€Civa,  lXay3ov  CK  KLa-TTji,  ipyacrdfX€vo^  dire- 
Ocfxrjv  <i?  KaXaOov  koi  €k  KakdOov  cis  KLarrjy. 


84  CHAEACTER  AND  INFLUENCE 

associated,  in  some  sense,  the  assurance  of  im- 
mortality, certain  scholars,  e.g,,  Rohde,  hold  that 
this  was  no  new  conviction,  reached  through  the 
mystic  experience.  It  already  existed  as  the 
basis  of  the  widely-diflfused  soul-cult.  It  was 
the  blissful  content  of  the  future  life  which 
was  impressed  on  the  inifiates,  probably  (as  the 
Homeric  Hymn  to  Demeter  would  suggest)  by 
a  series  of  tableaux  which  glorified  the  goddesses 
of  the  Mysteries,  and  made  their  votaries  con- 
scious of  the  joy  to  be  attained  by  passing  under 
their  sway.^  Rohde  will  not  hear  of  any  mystical 
experience  reached  in  the  initiation,  or  of  any 
sense  of  communion  with  the  Divine.  Hence  he 
rules  out  the  idea  of  a  moral  effect  on  the  life 
of  the  worshipper.^  But  an  important  passage, 
whose  obvious  meaning  he  tries  to  evade  (Aris- 
toph.,  Frogs,  456  f.),  seems  to  us  decisive  as 
against  his  view  :  "  All  we  who  have  been  ini- 
tiated and  lived  in  pious  wise  "  {evcrefirj  re  SLTJyofjiep 
TpoTTOp).  The  uninitiated,  whom  Dionysus  beholds 
lying  in  thick  slime,  are  those  who  wronged 
strangers,  maltreated  parents,  swore  false  oaths 

'  See  Eohde,  Psyche,'  i.,  pp.  294-298. 
'  Op,  ciL,  pp.  298-300. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  85 

{ibid.,  148  f.)/  These  lines  reflect  the  current 
opinion.  The  very  fact  that  the  secret  of  Eleusis 
was  so  inviolably  kept  testifies  to  the  genuine 
influence  of  the  Mysteries.  It  is  possible  to 
believe  with  FarnelV  that  the  drinking  of  the 
KVKecoi/  points  to  the  notion  of  a  sacramental  com- 
munion with  the  goddess-mother  in  her  sorrow, 
although  this  can  be  no  more  than  an  hypo- 
thesis. But  whatever  may  have  been  the  precise 
nature  of  the  "  passion-play,"  we  can  scarcely 
separate  the  prominence  of  the  conception  of 
immortality  from  the  recovery  from  the  under- 
world of  the  lost  Kore,  the  triumph  of  life  over 
death.^  Suggestive  light  is  shed  upon  this  phase 
of  the  Mysteries  by  the  association  with  them  of 
the  mystic  deity  lacchos.  In  spite  of  Rohde's 
arguments,  he  must  be  identified  with  Dionysus, 

^  We  are  glad  to  find  that  Wobbermin,  in  his  valuable 
Eeligionsgeschichtliche  Studien,  p.  36  f.,  takes  our  view.  He 
shows  that  oo-to?,  which  is  almost  a  technical  term  for  the 
initiated,  cannot  be  taken  in  a  merely  ritual  sense,  but  has  an 
ethico-religious  basis,  see  op.  ciL,  p.  38. 

2  Art.  "  Mystery,"  Encyc.  Brit.,  ed.  xi.,  vol.  xix.,  p.  120  f. 

'  Cf.  Isocr.  Panegyr.,  28  :  r^v  tcActi/k,  ^s  61  ix€ra(T\6vrt'i  mpt 

T€  T^s  rod  Piov  tcXcut^s  Kttt  ToC  crv/jtTravTOS  aiwvos  rj^Lov^  ras 
cA-TTiSas  t^ova-LV. 


86  CHAKACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

whose  cult  at  Athens  was  no  doubt  a  much 
later  growth  than  that  of  Demeter  and  Kore  at 
Eleusis,  but  probably  came  to  be  fused  with  it 
in  some  sense,  after  the  union  of  Eleusis  and 
Athens/  There  are  various  facts  which  seem 
to  indicate  that  lacchos  was  identified  in  the 
Mysteries  with  the  son  of  Kore.  This  connection 
with  Dionysus  leads  us  into  the  heart  of  concep- 
tions typical  for  mystery-religion,  the  conception 
of  union  with  the  Divine  and  attainment  of  un- 
dying life.  We  have  no  evidence  as  to  the  extent 
to  which  such  ideas  found  expression.  If  Orphic 
religion  with  its  intimate  relation  to  the  Dionysus- 
cult  exercised  any  influence  on  the  Eleusinian 
Mysteries,^  the  strain  of  thought  and  feeling 
which  we  have  been  discussing  must  have  had 
a  prominent  place.  On  this  problem  any  verdict 
must  be  hesitating.  But  we  believe  enough 
has  been  said  to  indicate  that  there  is  some 
justification  for  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay's  position, 
that  the  Eleusinian  Mysteries  constituted  "  the 
one  great  attempt  made  by  Hellenic  genius 
to  construct   a   religion   that  should  keep  pace 

^  See  Sir  W.  M.  Bamsay  in  Encyc.  Brit,  ed.  ix.,  vol.  xvii., 
p.  128. 

^  So,  e.g.,  Sir  W.  M.  Ramsay,  Dieterich,  and  others. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-RELIGIONS  87 

with  the  growth  of  thought  and  civilisation  in 
Greece".^ 

The  theory  has  been  put  forward  that  Eleusis 
was  influenced  by  Egyptian  cults,  either  directly 
at  a  very  early  date,  or  indirectly  through  the 
medium  of  the  Orphic  movement.'^  This  is  by  no 
means  impossible.  But  Thracian  influence  is 
more  easily  understood,  and  there  were  many 
affinities  between  the  Thracian  Dionysus  and 
strictly  Oriental  deities  like  the  Egyptian  Osiris 
and  the  Phrygian  Attis.^  These  affinities  would 
have  some  effect  in  opening  a  path  for  Oriental 
cults  into  the  Grseco -Roman  world.  Consider- 
able caution  must  be  employed  in  attempting  to 
define  with  any  certainty  the  beliefs  or  ritual  of 
these  cults  at  special  moments  in  their  history. 
For  that  history  remains  exceedingly  dim,  espe- 
cially for  the  period  when  Oriental  faiths  were 
confronted  with  Greek  culture  in  Asia.  Certain 
facts,  however,  stand  out  clearly.  These  religions, 
having  no  official  prestige,  could  only  be  propa- 
gated by  their  appeal  to  the  individual.      The 

1  hoc.  cit,  p.  126. 

^  See  De  Jong,  Das  antike  Mysterienwesen,  pp.  26-29. 
^  We  have  already  referred  to  the  theory  of  Eisler  that 
Orphiam  was  directly  influenced  by  Persian  religion. 


88  CHARACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

appeal  consisted  above  all  in  the  promise  of 
raising  men  above  the  dreary  pressure  of  bodily 
existence  into  a  Divine  ecstasy,  for  the  production 
of  which  they  supplied  the  means.  These  means 
were  often  crass  enough.  For  ignorant  minds 
they  became  the  channel  of  all  manner  of  magi- 
cal beliefs.  For  the  cultivated  they  often  served 
as  far-reaching  symbols  of  a  high  religious  ex- 
perience for  which  their  souls  were  yearning.  ^  In 
the  light  of  such  phenomena,  it  is  clear  why 
Oriental  cults  appear  in  the  Hellenistic  area  as 
Mystery-Religions.  The  sway  they  thus  attained 
is  strikingly  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  grad- 
ually the  only  Hellenic  gods  who  retained  their 
influence  beside  their  rivals  were  the  mystery- 
deities  par  excellence,  Dionysus  and  Hecate.^ 

We  have  already  referred  to  a  cult-association 
in  honour  of  the  Great  Mother,  Cybele,  in  the 
Piraeus,  as  early  as  the  fourth  century  B.C.  At  the 
instigation  of  a  special  embassy  her  worship  was 
introduced  into  Rome  from  Pessinus  in  Galatia, 
in  204  B.C.,  when  the  war  with  Carthage  was  a 
deadly  menace  to  the  Republic.     For  long  that 

1  See  Jacoby,  op.  cit.,  pp.  9-11  :  a  luminous  description  of 
the  Dionysiac  ecstasy  in  Eohde,  Psyche,^  ii.,  pp.  11-21. 
^  See  Cumont,  Les  Religions  Orientates,'^  p.  410,  note  12. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  89 

worship  remained  an  exotic,  but  by  the  time  of 
Augustus  Romans  had  been  admitted  to  the 
religious  associations  of  the  goddess,  and  had 
served  as  her  priests.  In  her  Phrygian  home, 
and  indeed  throughout  Asia  Minor,  the  cult  of 
Cybele  seems  often  to  have  been  fused  with  that 
of  Dionysus,  to  which  it  bore  a  remarkable  re- 
semblance. Each  was  an  orgiastic  worship,  in 
which  the  votaries  wrought  themselves  into  a 
sacred  frenzy,  and  thereby  believed  they  were 
united  with  the  deity. ^  Rohde  and  others  iden- 
tify with  Dionysus  the  Phrygian  god  Sabazius, 
whose  worship  came  to  be  blended  with  that  of 
Cybele  and  Dionysus  in  the  syncretism  of  Hel- 
lenistic religion.^  Possibly,  however,  his  origin 
was  Phrygian.^  Eisele  holds  that  his  cult  was 
non-orgiastic,  and  symbolised  in  crude  but  quiet 
ritual  the  most  intimate  conceivable  union  of  the 
initiate  with  the  deity.  A  suggestive  feature, 
found  of  course  in  other  cults,  was  the  designa- 

1  Gf.  the  remarkable  expressions  in  Livy's  savage  account 
of  the  Bacchic  Mysteries  at  Rome  in  187  B.C.,  e.g.,  39,  13  : 
viros,  velut  mente  capta,  cum  jactatione  fanatici  corporis 
vaticinari  .  .  .  Baptos  a  diis  homines,  etc. 

'  See  Rohde,  op.  cit.,  ii.,  pp.  7  (note  3),  14  f. 

'  So  Eisele,  loc.  cit.,  p.  625. 


90  CHAEACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

tion  of  the  divinely-possessed  worshippers  by  the 
name  of  the  god,  Sabos  or  Sabazius.^  Central 
for  the  Phrygian  cult  of  the  Great  Mother  was 
the  Attis-ritual.  For  it  is  probable  that  the  two 
deities  were  never  separated.^  The  myth  of 
the  beloved  youth  who,  in  penitence  for  his 
unfaithfulness  to  the  goddess,  mutilated  himself 
beneath  the  pine-tree  ;  the  mourning  of  Cybele 
for  her  lover,  and  his  restoration  to  undying 
life,  formed  the  basis  of  the  drama  which  was 
annually  celebrated  at  the  spring-festival  of  the 
goddess.  In  this  was  embodied  the  mystic  re- 
velation. The  process  of  initiation  remains  in 
obscurity,  but  the  unmistakable  analogy  of  the 
celebration  to  other  mystery-cults  dispels  all 
doubts  as  to  its  real  character.  That  its  mystic 
significance  was  of  no  recent  growth  ^  is  obvious 
from  the  ancient  formulae  which  tradition  has 
handed  down.     The  ritual  began  with  the  felling 

^  So  6  KaT€;(o/i,€j/os  rrj  fJLrjrpl  riav  Oeiav  was  named  }^vl3r)/3o<s, 
after  KvPrj^rj  (=  Cybele).  See  Photius,  s.  Kij/3r]f3os.  The 
parallel  usage  in  the  Isis-Serapis  cult  is  significant.  See 
infra,  and  cf.  G.  Murray,  Four  Stages  of  Greek  Beligion,  p.  38. 

*  See  Hepding,  Attis,  p.  142. 

3  Schweitzer  apparently  regards  it  as  a  late  development, 
op.  cit.y  p.  144. 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-RELIGIONS  91 

of  the  sacred  pine-tree.  When  the  tree,  bound 
like  a  corpse,  and  adorned  with  garlands  and 
religious  symbols,  among  them  a  statue  of  the 
god,  was  escorted  into  the  sanctuary,  the  mourn- 
ing for  Attis  broke  forth.  A  time  of  abstinence 
followed  ;  then  came  the  day  of  blood,  when 
the  tree  was  solemnly  buried,  and  the  par- 
ticipants in  the  ritual  abandoned  themselves  to 
delirious  dances.  In  a  state  of  semi-uncon- 
sciousness they  gashed  themselves  with  knives 
and  sprinkled  the  altar  with  their  blood.  On 
the  succeeding  night  they  met  in  the  temple  to 
celebrate  the  restoration  of  Attis  to  life.  The 
grave  was  opened  :  a  light  was  brought  in :  and 
the  priest,  as  he  anointed  the  lips  of  the 
worshippers  with  holy  oil,  uttered  the  consoling 
words  :  Oappelre  fjLvcrTaL  tov  deov  (recrwo-fieVoi;,  ecrrat 
yap  vfjuv  T(tiv  TTovoiv  aoiTiqpia :  **  Be  of  good  cheer, 
initiates,  the  god  has  been  saved :  thus  for  you 
also  shall  there  be  salvation  from  your  troubles  ".^ 
The  joy  of  the  mystce  now  found  expression  in 
a  kind  of  carnival.  Masqueraders  paraded  the 
streets  in  disguise.  There  was  an  orgy  of  uni- 
versal licence.     Various  ritual  actions  were  per- 

^Firmicus    Maternus,    De    Error e    Frofan.    Belig.    (ed. 
Ziegler),  p.  57,  14  f. 


92  CHAEACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

formed.  A  mystic  formula  has  been  preserved 
both  by  Firmicus  Maternus  {op.  cit,  p.  43,  15) 
and  Clement  of  Alexandria  (I.  p.  13,  12  f.,  ed. 
Stahlin),  which  reminds  us  forcibly  of  the 
Eleusinian  formula  already  quoted :  e/c  rvfjundvov 
^e^pcjKa,  €Ac  KVixfiakov  TreTTCDfca,  yeyova  fJbvcTTrjs 
"Arrew?  :  "  I  have  eaten  out  of  the  tympanum, 
I  have  drunk  from  the  cymbal,  I  have  become 
an  initiate  of  Attis  "/  This  certainly  seems  to 
point  to  some  sacred  meal  in  which  the  parti- 
cipant entered  into  communion  with  the  god.  It 
is  possible  that  the  anointing  of  the  lips  of  the 
votaries  with  holy  oil  ought  to  be  compared  with 
the  rite  of  smearing  the  tongue  with  honey  for  a 
certain  grade  of  initiation  into  the  mysteries  of 
Mithra,  a  rite  which  is  by  some  regarded  as 
pointing  to  the  gift  of  immortality.^  We  have 
no  means  of  dating  the  formula,  but  it  has  all 
the  appearance  of  a  high  antiquity.^  The  mystic 
words  are  put  by  Firmicus  into  the  lips  of  a  man 

^  In  Clement  the  formula  is  more  elaborate :  ck  Tv/xirdvov 
((fyayovt  €/c  KVfxftdXov  iK€pvo(f>6pr](Taf  vtto  tov  iraa-rov  vireSvv.  It 
is  needless  to  discuss  the  additional  details. 

2  So  Dieterich,  Eine  Mithrasliturgie,'^  pp.  170,  171,  174. 

^  For  a  full  description  of  the  Attis-festival,  see  Eisele,  loc. 
cit.,  pp.  634-637 ;  Hepding,  Attis,  p.  160  fif. 


OF  THE  MYSTERY-EELIGIONS  93 

whom  he  describes  as  moriturus,  "about  to  die". 
Dieterich  interprets  this  in  a  sacramental  sense, 
and  finds  confirmation  for  his  opinion  in  an 
extremely  compressed  account  of  the  Attis- 
festival  given  by  Sallustius,  an  official  under  the 
Emperor  Julian,  in  his  ir^pl  d^oiv  koI  Koo-fiov, 
There  (ch.  4)  a  description  is  given  of  "  the  cutting 
of  the  tree  and  the  fast,  as  though  we  also  were 
cutting  off  the  further  process  of  generation,"  and, 
at  the  next  stage  of  the  cult,  the  initiates  are  fed 
with  milk,  "as  being  born  again  ''  {axmep  avayev- 
vctiixivoiv).^  Here  again  we  are  left  in  obscurity  as 
to  the  age  of  the  ritual.  Plainly  the  conception 
points  to  a  somewhat  advanced  step  in  the  religious 
evolution  of  the  cult.  But  if,  as  appears  certain, 
these  Phrygian  rites  sprang  from  a  primitive 
nature-worship,^  in  which  Attis  was  a  tree-spirit 
who,  as  such,  exercised  power  over  the  products  of 
the  earth,  and  especially  the  corn,  it  only  required 
the  purification  of  the  crude,  primal  instinct  of 

^  See  Dieterich,  Eine  Mithrasliturgie,^  p.  163. 

2  See,  e.g.,  the  felling  of  the  pine-tree.  Mr.  J.  G.  Frazer 
points  out  that  Attis  was  addressed  as  *'  the  reaped  green  (or 
yellow)  ear  of  corn  ".  He  has  collected  conclusive  evidence 
for  Attis*  role  as  a  god  of  vegetation,  Adonis,  Attis,  Osiris, 
pp.  174-177.  For  a  deeper  aspect  of  this  idea  which  is  pos- 
sibly present,  see  G.  Murray,  op.  cit.,  pp.  46,  47. 


94  CHAEACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

sympathy  with  the  fresh  life  of  returning  spring, 
by  more  spiritual  aspirations  which  told  of  man's 
kinship  with  a  higher  order  of  being,  to  reach 
the  notion,  still  dim  and  anthropomorphic,  of  a 
divine  life  which  the  grave  could  not  quench. 
Eisele  believes  that  the  Cybele-Attis  religion  had 
undergone  a  process  of  this  kind  long  before  it 
spread  over  the  Hellenic  world.  Many  scholars, 
including  Cumont  and  Dill,  find  the  chief  stimulus 
to  purer  and  more  profound  religious  ideas  much 
later,  in  the  contact  of  this  Phrygian  worship 
with  the  rapidly  extending  movement  of  Mith- 
raism.^  To  such  contact  they  would  assign  the 
extraordinary  ceremony  of  tauroholium,  the  bath 
of  blood,  which,  from  the  middle  of  the  second 
century  a.d.,  constituted  perhaps  the  most  im- 
pressive rite  in  the  worship  of  the  Great  Mother. 
Here  the  notion  of  regeneration  stands  in  the 
forefront.  Various  inscriptions  describe  the  "bap- 
tised "  as  in  aeternum  renattis}  The  rite  seems 
originally  to  have  belonged  to  the  worship  of  a 
Persian  goddess,  An^hita,  closely  associated  with 
Mithra  in  the  old  religion  of  the  Achsemenidae, 

1  See  Cumont,  op.    cit.,    pp.    98-103 ;   Dill,  op.    cit.,   pp. 
554-559. 

2  See  Dill,  op.  cit.,  p.  547,  note  4. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-RELIGIONS  95 

and  apparently  assimilated  to  Cybele  in  Asia 
Minor,  especially  in  Cappadocia.^  How  far  the 
savage  ritual  had  shaken  off  its  grosser  associa- 
tions before  its  late  emergence  in  the  Cybele-cult 
of  the  Western  world,  it  is  impossible  to  say. 
But  it  would  be  rash  to  use  it  as  evidence  for 
a  mystic  doctrine  of  immortality  within  the  first 
century  of  our  era.  The  brief  sketch  we  have 
given  of  the  Cybele- Attis  cult  reveals  with  suf- 
ficient clearness  the  barbaric  ritual  by  which  its 
votaries  sought  to  satisfy  their  religious  needs. 
The  picture  could  be  heightened  on  its  ruder 
side.  And  yet  no  unbiassed  mind  can  fail  to 
read  between  the  lines  almost  pathetic  indica- 
tions of  a  craving  for  fulness  of  life,  for  a  real 
and  enduring  a-oiTr^pia.  We  may  believe  that 
some  at  least  of  the  initiates  could  testify  to  a 
genuine  experience  in  their  ancient  liturgical 
utterance  :  i(f}vyov  KaKOv,   evpou  ayueivov. 

In  his  famous  treatise,  De  hide  et  Osir.,  27, 

1  See  Cumont,  op.  ciL,  pp.  99,  332 ;  Dill,  p.  556.  Hep- 
ding  contests  this  on  what  seem  to  us  quite  inadequate 
grounds  {Attis,  p.  201). 

'^  Apparently  a  formula  of  the  Sabazius-cult :  referred  to  in 
Demosth.,  De  Cor.,  259.  Used  early  in  Attic  marriage  festivi- 
ties (see  Dieterich,  op.  cit.,  p.  215). 


96  CHAKACTER  AND  INFLUENCE 

Plutarch  tells  how  Isis,  unwilling  that  all  the 
hardships  she  had  endured  and  the  heroic  deeds 
she  had  done  in  avenging  her  brother  and  con- 
sort Osiris  should  be  forgotten,  wove  them  into 
a  mystic  ritual,  "  and  established  a  doctrine  of 
piety  and  a  consolation  for  men  and  women  who 
should  fall  into  like  misfortunes  ".  His  words 
reveal  the  influence  of  Isis-Mysteries  at  the  close 
of  the  first  century  a.d.  We  have  no  definite 
evidence,  indeed,  for  these  mysteries  earlier  than 
the  Imperial  age,  but  so  cautious  an  investigator 
as  Cumont  considers  that  "  all  the  probabilities 
are  in  favour  of  a  more  ancient  origin,"  and  that 
"  the  Mysteries  no  doubt  were  linked  to  early 
Egyptian  esoteric  doctrine  ".^  The  circumstances 
in  which  the  cult  of  Isis  (and  Osiris-Serapis)  was 
brought  into  direct  touch  with  the  Greek  world 
certainly  favour  this  hypothesis.  It  was  part 
of  the  far-seeing  political  outlook  of  the  first 
Ptolemy  to  make  religion  one  of  his  instruments 
in  fusing  together  his  Greek  and  Egyptian  sub- 
jects. For  this  purpose  he  introduced  into  Alex- 
andria the  cult  of  Serapis.  The  origin  of  the 
god  is  still  an  unsolved  problem.  Many  scholars 
have  derived  his  name  from  the  Egyptian 
1  O'p.  cit.,  p.  335,  note  4. 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS  97 

Osiris- Apis  {i.e.,  Apis  of  Memphis  transformed 
into  Osiris).  Wilcken  believes  that  it  is  non- 
Egyptian,  and  that  the  god  was  brought  in  from 
outside.  In  any  case  he  was  immediately  identi- 
fied with  Osiris  (-Apis).^  An  old  tradition 
found  in  Plutarch  reports  that  Ptolemy  sum- 
moned one  of  the  hierarchical  aristocracy  of  Eleu- 
sis,  the  Eumolpid,  Timotheus,  to  consult  with 
him  as  to  the  character  of  the  new  divinity. 
Whether  the  tradition  be  genuine  or  not,  it  is 
true  to  the  situation.  The  cult  of  Serapis  was 
syncretistic.  Osiris,  the  Lord  of  life  and  death, 
the  final  arbiter  of  human  destiny,  was  sur- 
rounded with  the  halo  of  the  Greek  mysteries. 
But  his  fitness  to  be  a  mystery- divinity  had  long 
since  been  recognised.  Plutarch  describes  (De 
Iside  et  Osij\,  39)  a  festival  held  when  the  Nile 
was  receding,  whose  chief  ceremonies  plainly  re- 
presented the  search  for  the  body  of  the  slain 
Osiris  and  his  restoration  to  life  symbolised  by  a 
small  image  of  vegetable  mould  mixed  with  spices. 
Similar  celebrations  seem  to  have  been  current 
in  various  parts  of  Egypt.     In  the  temple  of  Isis 

^  Thus  bilingual  texts  have  in  the  Greek  section  :Sapa7ri5, 
in  the  Egyptian  Osiris- Apis.  See  Wilcken,  Grundziige  d. 
Papyruskunde,  I.,  i.,  pp.  101,  102. 

7 


98  CHAEACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

at  Philee,  the  body  of  Osiris  is  portrayed  with 
corn  springing  from  it,  accompanied  by  the  in- 
scription :  "  This  is  the  form  of  him  whom  one 
may  not  name,  Osiris  of  the  mysteries,  who 
springs  from  the  returning  waters  "/  It  is  easy 
to  trace  here  the  kinship  with  Eleusis  and  its 
sacred  ear  of  corn,  so  prominent  in  the  mysteries, 
as  well  as  with  Dionysiac  legends  belonging  to 
the  same  cycle  of  nature-worship.  Greeks  of 
insight  like  Herodotus  (ii.  49)  and  Plutarch  {De 
hide  et  Osir.,  35)  discerned  in  him  an  intimate 
affinity  with  their  own  Dionysus.  Thus  no  serious 
obstacles  had  to  be  overcome  to  commend  the 
new  syncretistic  Mystery-cult  to  the  Hellenistic 
world.  From  this  time  onward  the  Isis-Serapis 
worship  had  an  extraordinarily  wide  range  of 
diffusion.  It  is  found  at  Athens  at  least  as  early 
as  the  third  century  b.g.  ;  at  Pompeii  about  the 
end  of  the  second  ;  in  Rome  by  the  time  of  Sulla.  ^ 
Thence  it  spread  wherever  Eoman  influence  pene- 
trated.   The  fascination  of  the  cult  is  not  difficult 

^  See  J.  G.  Frazer,  Adonis,  Attn,  Osiris,  pp.  257-263. 

'  See  Drexler's  masterly  article,  "Isis,"  in  Boscher's  Lexi- 
kon,  vol.  ii.,  spp.  383-386,  399,  401.  Drexler  gives  a  remark- 
able survey  of  the  area  of  influence  which  belonged  to  the 
Isis-cult. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS  99 

to  understand.  There  was,  of  course,  the  impos- 
ing ritual,  distinguished  by  its  ''  contemplative 
devotion,"  which  had  all  the  splendid  precision 
and  order  characteristic  of  Egyptian  liturgical 
tradition.  Still  more  appealing  were  the  escha- 
tological  doctrines  promulgated.  Here  Egyptian 
theology  remained  true  to  itself.  There  is  a 
famous  passage  in  an  ancient  Egyptian  text  re- 
lating to  the  worship  of  Osiris,  which  speaks  of 
the  loyal  votary  of  the  god  after  death  :  "As 
truly  as  Osiris  lives  shall  he  live  :  as  truly  as 
Osiris  is  not  dead,  shall  he  not  die  ;  as  truly  as 
Osiris  is  not  annihilated,  shall  he  not  be  anni- 
hilated ".^  In  the  reshaped  Isis-Serapis  cult  this 
doctrine  remains  fundamental.  The  initiate  is  to 
share  eternally  in  the  divine  life  :  nay,  he  does 
already  share  it.  He  becomes  Osiris.  Here  is 
expressed  with  clearness  the  more  dimly  adum- 
brated hope  of  the  Dionysiac-Orphic  mysteries. 
The  Isis  Mystery-Religion  exercised  a  peculiar 
attraction  just  because  of  its  syncretism.  Isis 
could  be  identified  with  innumerable  deities.  As 
queen  of  heaven,  as  Selene,  as  goddess  of  the 
cultivated  earth,  as  Demeter,  as  giver  of  crops, 

^  See  Erman,  Die  dgyptische  Religion,^  p.  111. 


100    CHAKACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

as  mistress  of  the  under-world,  and  also  of  the 
sea,  as  goddess  of  women  and  beauty  and  love, 
as  queen  of  the  gods  assimilated  to  Hera  and 
Juno,  as  goddess  of  salvation,  and  also  of  magical 
arts,^  she  will  claim  the  adoration  of  a  motley 
throng  of  worshippers.  Thus  "  the  great  power 
of  Isis  *  of  myriad  names  '  was  that,  transfigured 
by  Greek  influences,  she  appealed  to  many  orders 
of  intellect,  and  satisfied  many  religious  needs  or 
fancies  ".^ 

A  unique  opportunity  of  understanding  the 
significance  of  the  Isis  Mystery-Religion  is  af- 
forded by  the  famous  description  in  Apuleius 
of  the  initiation  of  Lucius  at  Cenchreae.^  The 
candidate  for  initiation  had  to  remain  within  the 
precincts  of  the  temple,  until  he  was  summoned 
(meatus)  by  the  goddess.  Otherwise,  he  might  pay 
the  penalty  of  sacrilege  by  death.     "For,"  says 

*  See  Drexler,  loc.  cit.,  passim  ;  Reitzenstein,  PoimandreSy 
pp.  162-164:  ;  and  the  notable  passage  in  Apuleius,  Metam., 
xi.,  5,  where,  in  her  revelation  to  Lucius,  Isis  says :  cujus 
numen  unicum  multi/ormi  specie,  ritu  vario,  nomine  multijugo 
totus  veneratur  orbisj  and  then  recounts  her  various  names. 

^  Dill,  op.  cit.,  p.  569. 

» Metam.j  xi.,  chapp.  18-25.  A  graphic  summary  in  Dill, 
pp.  576-579. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEt-PBLIGiOKS         i(f^ 

the  high-priest,  "  the  portals  of  the  nether  world 
and  the  guardianship  of  salvation  are  placed 
in  the  hand  of  the  goddess,  and  the  initiation 
itself  is  solemnised  as  the  symbol  of  a  voluntary 
death  {ad  instar  wlunta/rice  mm'tis)  and  a  salva- 
tion given  in  ansvrer  to  prayer,  for  the  goddess 
is  wont  to  choose  such  as,  having  fulfilled  a 
course  of  life,  stand  at  the  very  threshold  of  the 
departing  light,  to  whom  nevertheless  the  great 
mysteries  of  religion  can  be  safely  entrusted ; 
and  after  they  have  been,  by  her  providence,  in 
a  sense  born  again  {qmdam  modo  renatos),  she 
places  them  again  on  the  course  of  a  new  life  in 
salvation."^  Lucius  awaited  the  will  of  the 
goddess,  giving  himself  up  to  prayer  and  fasting. 
When  at  length  the  wished-for  day  arrived,  he 
was  escorted  by  a  band  of  Isis-worshippers  and 
bathed  by  the  high-priest  in  the  sacred  laver. 
Thereafter,  in  presence  of  the  goddess,  he  re- 
ceives mystic  communications.  Ten  days  of 
ascetic  preparation  follow,  and  then  he  is  led 
into  the  innermost  sanctuary.  A  mystic  de- 
lineation is  given  of  his  culminating  experience  : 
"  I  penetrated  to  the  boundaries  of  death  :  I 
trod  the  threshold  of  Prosperine,  and  after  being 
1  Apuleius,  op.  cit.y  xi.,  21  (ed.  van  der  Vliet). 


'Iff2;.' i  ;,'iCliAiBACTEB;AND  INFLUENCE 

borne  through  all  the  elements  I  returned  to 
earth :  at  midnight  I  beheld  the  sun  radiating 
white  light :  I  came  into  the  presence  of  the 
gods  below  and  the  gods  above,  and  did  them 
reverence  close  at  hand".^ 

The  whole  picture  is  of  extraordinary  signifi- 
cance both  for  the  outer  and  inner  aspects  of 
Hellenistic  Mystery-Religion.  On  the  one  hand 
there  are  the  prescribed  abstinences,  the  solemn 
baptism,  the  communication  of  mystic  formulae, 
and  the  overpowering  scenes  which  formed  the 
climax  of  initiation.^  On  the  other,  there  is 
presented  to  us  the  preparation  of  heart,  the 
symbol  of  cleansing,  the  conception  of  regenera- 
tion, and  finally  identification  with  the  deity. 
The  effect  of  the  experience,  as  genuinely  re- 
ligious, is  disclosed  by  the  impressive  prayer  of 
thanksgiving  offered  by  Lucius  to  the  goddess 

1  Op.  cit.,  xi.,  23. 

2  The  description  in  Apuleius  certainly  implies  something 
more  than  an  ecstatic  vision  (so  also  Cumont  as  against  De 
Jong),  though  of  course  a  condition  of  ecstasy  is  implied 
in  the  ascent  of  the  soul  through  the  elements.  This  ascent 
typifies  his  assimilation  to  the  deity,  for  next  day  he  appears 
duodecim  sacratus  stolis,  the  stolce  symbolising  the  twelve 
spheres  through  which  he  has  passed  (see  Reitzenstein* 
Archiv  /.  Beligionswiss.t  1904,  pp.  407,  408). 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS  103 

after  initiation,  a  prayer  no  doubt  taken  from  an 
actual  liturgy :  "  Thou  who  art  the  holy  and 
eternal  Saviour  of  mankind,  ever  bountiful  to 
the  mortals  who  cherish  Thee,  Thou  bestowest 
Thy  gracious  mother-love  upon  the  wretched  in 
their  misfortunes.  No  day  ...  no  brief  mo- 
ment ever  passes  without  Thy  benefits.  On 
land  and  sea  Thou  watchest  over  men  and 
boldest  out  to  them  Thy  saving  right  hand, 
dispelling  the  storms  of  life.  Thou  dost  undo 
the  hopelessly  ravelled  threads  of  Fate  and  dost 
alleviate  the  tempests  of  Fortune  and  restrainest 
the  hurtful  courses  of  the  stars.  ...  As  for  me, 
my  spirit  is  too  feeble  to  render  Thee  worthy 
praise,  and  my  possessions  too  small  to  bring 
Thee  fitting  sacrifices.  I  have  no  fluency  of 
speech  to  put  in  words  that  which  I  feel  of 
Thy  majesty.  .  .  .  Therefore  will  I  essay  to  do 
that  which  alone  a  poor  but  pious  worshipper 
can  :  Thy  divine  countenance  and  Thy  most  holy 
Presence  will  I  hide  within  the  shrine  of  my 
heart :  there  will  I  guard  Thee  and  continually 
keep  Thee  before  my  spirit."^ 

When   we    pass   to    the   Hermetic   Mystery- 
literature,  we  are  confronted  with  many  complex 
^  Apuleius,  op.  cit,  xi.,  25. 


104         CHAKACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

problems.  To  begin  with,  the  Cat^pus  Hermeti- 
cum  is  composed  of  various  strata,  some  of  which 
are  by  no  means  congruous  with  the  rest.  Even 
when  we  examine  these  strata  separately,  we 
discover  a  highly  syncretistic  blend  of  doctrine 
and  ritual.  It  seems,  therefore,  illegitimate  to 
speak  of  a  Hermetic  Mystery-Religion.  Rather 
is  this  phase  of  religious  thought  valuable  as 
embodying  conceptions  of  Greek  philosophy  of 
the  religious  Stoic-Peripatetic  type,  relics  of 
early  Egyptian  ideas,  elements  of  the  magical 
and  alchemistic  doctrines  so  prevalent  in  Egypt, 
and  liturgic  fragments  which  may  belong  to 
Hellenised  Egyptian  communities,  but  which  at 
any  rate  reflect  the  syncretistic  Mystery-cults 
between  300  B.C.  and  300  a.d.  It  is  not  sur- 
prising to  find  such  a  product  in  Egypt,  which 
might  almost  be  called  the  religious  clearing- 
house of  the  Hellenistic  world.  But  the  nature 
of  the  situation  puts  us  on  our  guard  against 
constructing  any  hard  and  fast  theories  as  to 
the  influence  of  Hermetic  conceptions  on  non- 
Egyptian  systems  of  thought.  Even  Reitzen- 
stein  himself,  who  argues  strenuously  for  the 
essentially  Egyptian  character  of  Hermetic  re- 
ligion,  admits    that   in   many   sections    of   the 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS  105 

literature   it   is   scarcely  possible  to  distinguish 
between  Egyptian  and  Greek  conceptions/ 

A  few  words  must  be  said  as  to  the  origin  and 
character  of  Hermetic  literature  :  next  we  shall 
emphasise  some  of  its  leading  ideas  from  the 
standpoint  of  Mystery-Eeligion,  including  in  our 
survey  the  so-called  Liturgy  of  Mithra  :  and, 
finally,  we  shall  indicate  the  conflicting  theories 
which  prevail  regarding  it. 

Reitzenstein  believes  that  in  the  reign  of 
Diocletian,  about  800  a.d.,  an  Egyptian  priest 
made  a  compilation  of  eighteen  sacred  docu- 
ments intended  to  show  that  the  Hellenised  re- 
ligion of  Egypt  was  uniform  with  that  of  the 
Empire  as  a  whole.  These  documents  belonged 
to  different  dates  and  to  different  religious  com- 
munities, and  they  were  arranged  entirely  to  suit 
the  various  figures  introduced  in  the  dialogue. 
"  Hermes,  the  herald  of  Egyptian  religion,  is  sum- 
moned by  the  god  NoO?,  the  Shepherd  of  men 
(Poimandres),  to  become  Saviour  of  the  whole 

^  See  his  article,  "  Hellenistische  Theologie  in  Agypten," 
Neue  Jahrh.  f.  d.  Mass.  Alt,  1904,  pp.  183, 184.  This  article 
forms  the  best  introduction  to  his  Poimandres,  1904,  and  Die 
hellenistischen  Mysterienreligionen,  1910.  An  invaluable 
summary  of  results  is  given  by  Kroll  in  the  article  already 
quoted.  These  must  be  used  to  check  some  of  Keitzenstein's 
conclusions. 


106         CHABACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

world.  He  proclaims  the  new  religion  to  his  two 
disciples,  Asclepios,  son  of  the  god  Ptah,  and  his 
own  son  Tat :  consecrates  them  at  the  close  to 
be  prophets,  causing  them  to  be  born  of  God 
and  united  with  Him,  and  then  ascends  again  to 
heaven.  The  two  prophets  preach  the  new  doc- 
trine to  King  Ammon  who  adopts  it,  and  thus 
the  Egyptian  religion  is  founded."  ^  In  addition 
to  the  Hermetic  Corpus,  various  other  fragments 
preserved  in  ancient  authors  may  be  assigned  to 
this  type  of  religion.  It  is  important  to  note  that 
the  whole  group  of  documents  professes  to  be 
a  revelation.  Keitzenstein  points  out  that  this 
revelation  is  of  two  fundamental  types.  In  the 
first,  to  which  most  of  the  purely  theological 
documents  belong,  a  god,  Hermes  or  JEsculapius 
or  Tat,  describes  what  he  has  seen  {e.g.,  the  Crea- 
tion), or  what  has  been  communicated  to  him  by 
his  Divine  Father  and  Teacher.  In  the  second 
type,  a  man,  who  is  of  course  a  prophet,  proclaims 
the  revelation  he  has  received  either  through 
drawing  down  by  prayer  a  god  who  now  dwells 
within  him  or  by  ascending  to  heaven  with  the 
help  of  a  deity.^     Keitzenstein  would  place  the 

^  Keitzenstein,  loo.  cit.,  p.  178. 

*  See  Eeitzenstein,  ib.,  pp.  179-181.  The  term  vovs,  so  fre- 
quent in  these  writings,  does  not  usually  mean  "  understand- 
ing "  but  "  the  revealing  God  ". 


OF  THE  MYSTERY-EELIGIONS  107 

documents  incorporated  in  this  literature  (whose 
dates  cannot  be  accurately  determined),  roughly 
speaking,  between  the  beginning  of  the  first  cen- 
tury A.D.  and  the  end  of  the  third/  But  even  if 
we  did  not  find  impressive  parallels  in  other 
Hellenistic  religions,  it  would  be  reasonable  to 
assume  that  many  of  the  incorporated  concep- 
tions belong  to  a  much  earlier  date.'^ 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  document  in  the 
group,  from  the  point  of  viewjof  the  Mystery- 
Religions,  is  the  dialogue  between  Hermes  and 
his  son  Tat  on  regeneration.^  Tat  reminds  his 
father  that  he  had  told  him  that  no  one  could 
be  saved  (a-oiOrjpaL)  without  regeneration  (TraXty- 
yeveo-Lo).  Regeneration  was  only  possible  to  one 
who  had  cut  himself  loose  from  the  world.  Tat 
has  renounced  the  world  and  entreats  his  father, 
who  has  himself  been  regenerated,  to  communi- 
cate the  secret.  Hermes  replies  that  this  must 
be  a  revelation  to  the  heart  by  the  Divine  Will. 

*  Die  hellenist.  Mysterienreligionen,  p.  33. 

^  This  consideration  is  not  given  an  adequate  place  in 
Krebs'  discussion,  Der  Logos  ah  Heiland,  p.  157.  But  G. 
Murray  is  rash  in  calling  the  Poimandres- revelation  a  "  pre- 
Christian  document,"  op.  cit.^  p.  143. 

3  The  Greek  text  printed  in  the  appendix  to  Beitzenstein's 
Poimandres^  pp.  339-348. 


108         CHAEACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

By  the  mercy  of  God  he  had  seen  an  immaterial 
vision  {airXaa-Tov  0iav)  inwardly,  and  had  passed 
out  through  his  own  body  into  an  immortal  body. 
He  is  no  longer  what  he  was.  Tat  cannot  dis- 
cern his  real  being  with  bodily  eyes.  While 
Hermes  speaks,  Tat  becomes  conscious  of  a  trans- 
formation. He  is  set  free  from  the  twelve  evil 
propensities,  which  are  replaced  by  the  ten  powers 
of  God.  He  is  now  able  by  the  Divine  energy  to 
have  spiritual  vision,  and  he  feels  himself  one 
with  all  the  elements.  He  only  needs  now  to 
ascend  into  the  Ogdoas,  the  abode  of  God.  He 
asks  to  be  taught  the  hymn  of  praise  sung  by  the 
Divine  powers  present  in  the  regenerate  man  when 
he  reaches  the  Ogdoas.  His  father  repeats  the 
hymn,  which  is  itself  a  very  important  document 
for  Hermetic  religion.^  Tat  can  now  declare  : 
''  My  spirit  is  illumined  ...  To  Thee,  O  God, 
author  of  my  new  creation,  I,  Tat,  offer  spiritual 
sacrifices  (Xoyt/ca?  Ova-las).  O  God  and  Father, 
Thou  art  the  Lord,  Thou  art  the  Spirit  (6  vov<;). 
Accept  from  me  the  spiritual  [sacrifices]  which 

^A  good  translation  in  Jacoby,  Die  antihen  Mysterien- 
reUgioneiif  pp.  33,  34.  With  this  should  be  compared  the 
closing  hymn  of  the  Mithra-Liturgy,  which  also  celebrates 
the  regeneration  of  him  who  sings  it.  See  Eine  Mithras- 
liturgiey^  p.  14. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS  109 

Thou  desirest."  Hermes  sums  up  the  whole 
meaning  of  the  experience  in  the  suggestive 
words  :  vo€p(o<;  iyvoi^;  creavTov  koX  tov  Trarepa 
Tov  rffxerepov :  "  in  the  spirit  thou  hast  come  to 
know  thyself  and  our  Father  ".  It  ought  to  be 
said  that  a  large  part  of  the  dialogue  is  occupied 
with  a  blend  of  physical  and  ethical  speculation 
of  the  later  Stoic  t3rpe.  Various  points  of  im- 
portance for  Hermetic  religion  emerge  from 
this  dialogue.  In  this  mystery  of  regeneration 
there  is  no  external  ritual.  Tat  experiences  the 
psychical  transformation  as  he  listens  to  the  reve- 
lation. Hence  the  revelation  itself,  the  \6yos, 
may  be  said  to  constitute  the  Mystery  :  it  pro- 
duces the  TTakiyyevea-ia.  The  chief  result  of 
the  mystic  experience  is  the  true  "  knowledge  '' 
{yvcoari^)  of  God.  This  conception  is  prominent 
throughout  Hermetic  literature.  Reitzenstein 
quotes  a  remarkable  instance  from  the  closing 
prayer  of  the  Aoyo?  TeXeto?  :  ^  "  We  give  thanks 

1  The  Latin  text  found  at  the  close  of  the  Asclepius  of 
Pseudo-Apuleius,  proved  by  Bernays  to  be  identical  with  the 
Xoyos  TcXcios  of  Hermes  to  Asclepius,  mentioned  by  Lactantius. 
See  Beitzenstein,  Archivf.  Beligionswiss.,  1904,  p.  393,  note 
1.  Reitzenstein  discovered  the  Greek  text  in  the  magical 
Papyrus  Mimaut  (c.  third  century  A.D.). 


110  CHAEACTEE  AND  INFLUENCE 

to  Thee,  most  High,  for  by  Thy  grace  we  received 
this  light  of  knowledge.  .  .  .  Having  been  saved 
by  Thee,  we  rejoice  that  Thou  didst  show  Thyself 
to  us  wholly,  that  Thou  didst  deify  (aTre^eGJo-as) 
us  in  our  mortal  bodies  by  the  vision  of  Thyself."  ^ 
Here  is  a  second  idea  of  importance.  The  know- 
ledge of  God  attained  through  the  mystery  of 
regeneration  deifies.  In  Poimandres  {Hermetic 
Corpus,  i.,  §  26  ^)  occur  the  words  :  "  This  is  the 
blessed  end  for  those  who  have  attained  know- 
ledge, to  be  deified  "  {decoOrjvai).  We  may  com- 
pare the  prayer  in  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra  (p.  12, 
2  ff.)  :  "  Having  been  regenerated  by  Thee  to- 
day, out  of  so  many  thousands  called  to  be  im- 
mortal {airaOavaTicrdei^)  in  this  hour,  according  to 
the  purpose  of  the  most  gracious  God  ".  In  the 
Liturgy  of  Mithra,  it  may  be  noted,  the  prayers 
are  mingled  with  prosaic  directions  as  to  breathing, 
bellowing  loudly,  taking  up  prescribed  postures, 
as  well  as  with  uncouth  magical  incantations. 
The  observance  of  these  instructions  evokes 
strange   supernatural  visions.      In  the  genuine 

*  See  the  whole  prayer  in    Reitzenstein,   Die   hellenist. 
Mysterienreligionen,  pp.  113,  114. 

'  See  Reitzenstein,  Poimandres,  pp.  328-338. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS  111 

Hermetic  writings,  however,  it  is  plain  that  there 
has  been  a  certain  spiritualising  of  mystic  cult, 
although  the  Xoyos  reXeio?,  the  "  revelation  which 
initiates,"  has  marked  affinities  with  the  Egyptian 
conception  of  ritual,  according  to  which  the  man 
who  acquires  a  full  knowledge  of  the  liturgy 
can  exercise  immense  influence  upon  the  spiritual 
world.^ 

It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  estimate  this  highly 
syncretistic  literature.  Reitzenstein,  as  is  well 
known,  regards  its  fundamental  strain  as  due 
to  the  evolution  of  ancient  Egyptian  ideas,  and 
specifies  the  Hellenised  doctrine  of  the  priests  of 
Ptah  at  Memphis.  With  this  have  been  blended 
various  constituents,  such  as  the  Stoic  deification 
of  the  elements,  a  Hellenised  non-Egyptian  doc- 
trine closely  connected  with  astrology  and  the 
yearning  for  deliverance  from  elfiapfieurjy  and  cer- 
tain widely-diffused  Hellenistic  myths,^  especially 
that  of  the  Divine  Anthropos.  Cumont  and  W. 
Otto  entirely  dissent  from   Reitzenstein's  belief 

1  Cumont,  p.  343,  refers  to  an  article  of  Maspero,  *'  Sur  la 
toute-puissance  de  la  parole  "  {Becueil  de  travaux,  xxiv.,  1902, 
pp.  163-175). 

'  See  Poimandres,  pp.  62-68,  71,  108,  109,  110,  lU. 


112    CHAKACTEK  AND  INFLUENCE 

that  the  Hermetic  literature  is  a  typical  expres- 
sion of  general  piety  in  the  second  and  third 
centuries  a.d.  Cumont  regards  "  Hermetic  "  as 
the  result  of  a  long  process  whose  aim  was  "  to 
reconcile  Egyptian  traditions,  first  of  all  with 
Chaldaean  astrology,  then  with  Greek  philosophy, 
and  it  shared  in  the  transformation  of  this  phil- 
osophy "/  Zielinski,  in  his  searching  investigation 
of  HermeiiCj  irrefutably  demonstrates  the  enor- 
mous preponderance  of  Greek  philosophical  ele- 
ments in  the  syncretistic  compound.  He  regards 
Peripatetic  (-Stoic)  cosmogonical  speculations, 
which  can  be  traced  back  to  Arcadia  and  the 
Arcadian  myth  of  Hermes  (=  Not)?)  and  his  son 
Pan  ( =  Adyos),  as  the  groundwork  of  the  system, 
a  system  which  certainly  took  shape  in  Egypt. 
On  this  foundation  was  built  up  a  structure 
in  which  markedly  Platonising  and  Pantheistic 
materials  found  a  place.  This  he  designates  the 
higher  Hermetic,  and  he  regards  the  main  error 
in  Keitzenstein's  theory  as  a  failure  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  higher  and  lower  types. 
The  higher  he  considers  to  be  purely  Greek,  the 

1  See  Cumont,  Les  Religions  Orientales,^  p.  341  ;  W. 
Otito,  Priester  u.  Tempel  im  Hellenistischen  Aegypten,  ii.,  pp. 
218-223. 


OF  THj:  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS         113 

lower,  which  has  been  incorporated,  is  a  blend 
of  Egyptian  alchemy  and  magic. ^ 

Probably  each  of  these  theories  is    partially 
true.     To   us   it  appears  that   Reitzenstein  ex- 
aggerates the  purely  Egyptian  character  of  this 
hybrid  phase  of   religious  thought  and  feeling. 
For  Greek  cosmogony  is  everywhere  apparent. 
And  yet  the  mystical   conceptions  of  Hermetic 
literature  can  by  no  means  be  regarded  merely 
as  the  outcome  of  these  philosophical  influences.^ 
Rather  do  they  appear  as  remarkable  parallels 
to  the  doctrines  we  have  examined  in  the  other 
Mystery-Religions.     They  have  been  exposed,  no 
doubt,  to  the  influence  of  Greek  religion  in  its 
Orphic-Dionysiac  developments.     But  these  de- 
velopments  themselves   have   been   affected  by 
Oriental  beliefs.     To  find  the  Egyptian  features 
of  Hermetic  only  in  what  is  magical,  as  Zielinski 
does,  is  to  ignore  the  significance  of  Egypt  in  the 
history   of    Hellenistic    Mystery-Religion.     We 
believe    that    Reitzenstein    is    justified    by  the 

^  See  his  elaborate  articles  on  "  Hermes  und  die  Herraetik," 
in  Archivf.  Beligionswiss.,  1905,  1906  :  especially  the  latter, 
pp.  25-27,  35-41,  56,  60.     But  cf.  KroU,  ut  supr. 

^  We  do  not  forget  that  later  Stoic  cosmogony  could  be  the 
medium  of  a  mysticism  like  that  of  Posidonius  (see  chap.  i.). 

8 


114    CHAKACTEK  OF  MYSTEKY-EELIGIONS 

prayers  which  appear  in  the  extant  documents 
in  speaking  of  definite  religious  communities 
in  Egypt,  gathered  around  devout,  prophetic 
leaders.^ 

In  this  sketch  we  have  attempted  to  describe 
the  leading  ideas  embodied  in  the  Mystery- 
Religions  and  to  indicate  the  range  of  their 
diffusion,  giving  instances,  as  occasion  offered, 
of  the  religious  terminology  which  they  em- 
ployed. We  must  next  endeavour  to  estimate 
in  detail  the  relation  of  St.  Paul  alike  to  their 
terminology  and  their  ideas.^ 

^  See,  e.g.,  Neue  Jahrb.  f.  d.  klass.  Alt,  1904,  p.  182,  and 
compare  his  estimate  of  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra  as  revealing 
the  individual  expression  of  ancient  and  widely-propagated 
religious  ideas  :  "  The  main  thing  about  the  Mithras-Liturgy  is 
that  one  man  from  an  approximately  definable  period  had 
these  ideas"  {Zeitschr.  f.  N.T.  Wissensch.,  1912,  i.,  pp. 
13,  14). 

^  We  have  omitted  consideration  of  the  Mithra-Mysteries, 
as  these  fall  outside  the  scope  of  our  discussion :  see  Cumont, 
op.  cit.,  p.  xvi.  Bohlig  (Die  Geisteshultur  von  Tarsos,  1913, 
pp.  89-92)  contests  Cumont's  statement  that  in  our  period 
the  Mysteries  of  Mithra  "did  not  as  yet  possess  any  import- 
ance ".  But  the  evidence  he  adduces  for  their  existence  in 
Cilicia  in  Paul's  time  is  utterly  inadequate,  and  practically 
amounts  to  a  single  vague  reference  in  Plutarch's  Life  of 
Pompeius,   chap,   xxiv.,  where  mention  is  made  of  Cilician 


CHAPTER  IV 

ST.  PAUL'S  BELATION  TO  THE  TERMINOLOGY  OF 
THE  MYSTERY-RELIGIONS 

In  our  last  chapter  enough  has  been  said  to 
establish  the  fact  that  in  all  the  main  centres 
of  his  missionary  operations  the  Apostle  Paul 
must  have  been  brought  into  constant  touch 
with  the  influences  of  the  Mystery-Religions. 
The  process  of  Hellenisation  through  which 
they  had  passed  would  impart  to  each  a  cer- 
tain rough  similarity  of  outline.  Hence,  although 
his  sphere  of  work  might  frequently  change,  the 
Christian  preacher  would  be  confronted  by  a 
more  or  less  stable  complex  of  religious  ideas. 
We  are  aware,  indeed,  of  the  emphasis  laid  by 

pirates  as  "offering  strange  (or,  foreign)  sacrifices  at  Olympus 
and  celebrating  mysterious  rites,  of  which  that  of  Mithra  is 
preserved  up  till  now  ".  Traces  of  Persian  religious  concep- 
tions such  as  he  cites  are  no  valid  proof  of  the  currency  of 
the  Mysteries  of  Mithra.  For  the  value  of  Plutarch's  reference, 
c/.  Wachsmuth,  Einleitung  in  d.  Studium  d.  alten  Qeschiohte, 
p.  222. 

(115) 


116         ST.  PAUL'S  RELATION  TO  THE 

early  Christian  apologetic  on  the  repellent  myths 
which  lay  in  the  background  of  various  mystic 
cults.  And  such  associations  might  seem  once 
for  all  decisive  against  any  openness  on  the  part 
of  the  Apostle  even  to  their  profounder  con- 
ceptions. But  by  this  time  their  whole  atmos- 
phere was  in  process  of  being  spiritualised. 
The  Epistles  give  clear  evidence  that  Paul  did 
not  shrink  from  deriving  metaphors  again  and 
again  from  the  Greek  athletic  festivals  which 
equally  came  under  the  lash  of  ancient  Christian 
writers.  In  vindicating  the  worship  of  the  God 
who  had  revealed  Himself  in  Jesus  Christ 
against  bondage  to  the  elemental  spirits  (o-roi- 
Xeia)  he  discloses  some  acquaintance  with  that 
astrological  religion  which  we  saw  to  be  a  potent 
force  in  contemporary  Paganism.  And  the  man 
who  could  write  Philippians  iv.  8  :  "  Whatsoever 
things  are  true,  whatsoever  things  are  reverend, 
whatsoever  things  are  just,  whatsoever  things 
are  pure,  whatsoever  things  are  lovely,  whatso- 
ever things  are  high-toned,  if  there  be  any  virtue 
or  anything  praiseworthy,  take  account  of  these 
things,"  must  surely  have  been  sensitive  to  the 
higher  aspirations  of  those  whom  he  strove  to 
win  for  the  faith  that  had  satisfied  his  own 
yearnings.     Indeed  it  seems  legitimate   to   cite 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  117 

his  famous  words  :  "  I  made  myself  slave  of  all 
that  I  might  gain  the  more.  ...  To  all  men 
I  have  become  all  things  that  at  all  events  I 
might  save  some"  (1  Cor.  ix.  19,  22).  And 
there  is  some  significance  for  Paul's  attitude  in 
the  position  of  Philo,  also  a  Jew  of  the  Dias- 
pora, who,  while  manifesting  a  dislike  of  mystic 
cults,^  has  nevertheless  been  powerfully  affected 
by  some  of  their  ideas. 

When  we  attempt,  however,  to  estimate  the 
data  presented  in  the  Epistles,  we  soon  realise 
how  delicate  is  the  problem.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Paul  frequently  employs  terms  which  have 
received  a  more  or  less  technical  meaning  in  con- 
nection with  the  Mystery-Religions.  These  occur 
most  prominently  in  the  letters  to  Corinth  and  in 
the  Imprisonment-Epistles,  all  of  them  addressed 
to  communities  which  must  have  had  intimate 
contact  with  mystery-brotherhoods.  Side  by  side 
with  these  terms  are  found  far-reaching  concep- 
tions to  which  there  are  at  least  thought-pro- 
voking analogies  in  Pagan  religion.  Restricting 
our  discussion,  meanwhile,  to  terminology,  we 
must  emphasise  certain  cautions  which  ought  to 

^  See  Br6hier,  Les  Idees  philosoph.  et  relig.  de  Philon,  pp. 
244,  245. 


118         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

be  observed.  To  begin  with,  it  seems  highly 
precarious  to  postulate,  as  Reitzenstein  does,  an 
acquaintance  on  Paul's  part  with  Hellenistic 
religious  literature.^  The  description  itself  is 
nebulous.  Probably  it  means  for  Reitzenstein 
documents  of  the  type  embodied  in  the  Her- 
metic Corpus  and  the  magical  papyri.  But  this 
could  scarcely  be  asserted  even  for  Philo,  who 
no  doubt  reflects  many  ideas  belonging  to  the 
religion  of  ancient  Egypt.  And  due  weight  must 
be  assigned  to  Cumont's  view,  that  the  theology 
of  the  Egyptian  Mysteries  rather  followed  the 
general  movement  of  ideas  than  stimulated  it.^ 
It  is  sheer  hypothesis,  therefore,  to  ascribe  to 
Paul  any  direct  acquaintance  with  Mystery-ideas 
through  the  medium  of  literature.  It  is  altogether 
different  when  we  think  of  liturgical  formulae  and 
the  technical  terms  of  ritual  in  common  circula- 
tion. We  may  grant  at  once  that  many  of  these 
would  be  familiar  to  the  Apostle.  No  great 
stretch  of  imagination,  for  example,  is  required 
to  picture  the  situation  at  Corinth  or  Ephesus. 
Without  venturing  on  details  we  may  admit  that 

^  Die   hellenistischen    Mysterienreligionen,   pp.  209,    210. 
For  convenience'  sake  we  shall  refer  to  this  work  as  H.M.B. 
2  Les  Beligions  Orientales,^  p.  135, 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  119 

the  Corinthian  brotherhood  of  Christians  would 
have  many  links  of  connection  with  the  mystic 
guilds  to  which  some  of  its  members  may,  in 
all  probability,  have  formerly  belonged.  In  such 
passages  as  1  Corinthians  vii.  11  ( "  I  give  charge, 
yea  not  I  but  the  Lord,  that  the  wife  depart  not 
from  her  husband — but  should  she  depart,  let 
her  remain  unmarried,  or  else  be  reconciled  to 
her  husband — and  that  the  husband  leave  not 
his  wife  "),  and  xii.  14  fF.  ("For  the  body  is  not 
one  member  but  many,"  etc.),  we  see,  as  Hein- 
rici  has  instructively  pointed  out,  the  Christian 
community  "in  danger  of  stooping  to  the  level 
of  a  pagan  cult-association  ".^  And  the  somewhat 
perplexing  exordium  of  chapter  xii.  ("  You  know 
how,  when  you  were  Gentiles,  you  were  forcibly 
carried  away  [by  demons]  to  voiceless  idols") 
gives  us  a  dim  glimpse  of  the  heathen  back- 
ground. 

But  the  interesting  question  arises  :  How  far 
does  the  use  of  mystic  terminology  involve  the 
adoption  of  the  ideas  which  it  expresses  ?  Are 
we  to  assume  that  terms  can  be  transferred  from 
one  phase  of  religious  thought  to  another  without 
suflfering  serious  alteration  ?  It  must  be  recog- 
^Zeitschr.f,  zoiss.  Theol,  1876,  p.  509,     ■ 


120         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

nised  that  many  of  the  Mystery-conceptions,  and 
many  of  the  terms  in  which  they  are  set  forth, 
spring  directly  from  that  strain  of  Mysticism 
which  seems  to  be  everywhere  latent  in  humanity 
and  only  requires  favouring  conditions  to  reveal 
itself/  Here  Christianity  and  Pagan  religion 
were  bound  to  manifest  affinities.  The  problem 
in  such  cases  will  be  that  of  determining  how  far 
a  more  or  less  naive  realism  has  been  subdued  to 
finer  intuitions  of  spiritual  truth.  Eoom  will 
have  to  be  left  for  the  presence  of  symbolism,  a 
factor  which  must  certainly  be  reckoned  with  in 
the  thought  of  Paul'  On  the  other  hand,  there 
is  real  force  in  Reitzenstein's  contention  that  cult, 
conception,  and  language  hang  closely  together.^ 
To  what  extent,  then,  must  the  terminology  of 
the  Mystery-Religions  carry  with  it  its  original 
significance  ?  And  how  far  are  we  to  suppose  a 
unique  religious  thinker  like  Paul  to  be  conscious 
of  this  ?  May  we  adopt  as  a  rough  criterion  his 
demonology  ?     This,  indeed,  is  to  a  large  extent 

'  Of.  E.  Underhill,  Mysticism,  p.  126. 

^  Wendland  shows  how  the  value  of  the  symbolic  in  re- 
ligion was  recognised  by  the  higher  Greek  thought  as  far  back 
as  Socrates  {Die  hellenistisch-rdmische  Kultur^^  p.  103). 

'  Zeitschr.f.  N.T.  Wiss.,  1912,  i.,  p.  17. 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  121 

already  part  of  his  inheritance  from  Judaism. 
But  it  bears  the  clear  stamp  of  foreign  influences. 
Now  it  admittedly  shows  traces  of  primitive  popu- 
lar conceptions.  Are  we  to  suppose  that  his 
mind  would  be  receptive  of  similarly  primitive 
ideas  in  more  central  spheres  of  thought  ?  These 
are  questions  which  cannot  be  hastily  answered. 
And  dogmatic  statements  are  utterly  irrelevant. 
But  it  is  of  further  interest  to  notice  that  here  and 
there  in  the  Pauline  Epistles  we  have  more  than 
isolated  terms  and  ideas  of  the  type  in  question. 
In  certain  contexts,  as,  e.g.y  1  Corinthians  ii.  6  ff., 
we  light  upon  groups  of  conceptions  which  have 
associations  with  the  Mystery-Eeligions.^  This 
cannot  be  accidental.  It  lets  us  see  the  connec- 
tions of  thought  in  the  Apostle's  mind.  And 
these  constitute  important  evidence  for  the  in- 
fluence of  Mystery-Religion.  But  their  signifi- 
cance can  easily  be  exaggerated.  Take  a  familiar 
example  from  our  own  time.  Many  cultivated 
religious  writers  of  to-day  are  fond  of  using  analo- 
gies and  illustrations  from  the  field  of  biology. 
And  these  often  appear  in  rather  elaborate 
groupings.     Yet  if  they  are  analysed  with  care, 

1  Reitzenstein  has  emphasised  this,  H.M.B.,  pp.  53,  210. 
See  also  Wendland  in  G.G.A.,  Sept.,  1910,  p.  655. 


122         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

they  will  be  found  to  be  anything  but  rigidly 
scientific.  Terms  like  "evolution,"  ''heredity," 
"  struggle  for  existence,"  ''  variations,"  *'  acquired 
characters,"  etc.,  are  in  the  air.  Hence  they  may 
be  used  singly  or  in  series  as  Httle  else  than  con- 
venient channels  of  appeal  to  the  popular  interest. 
Such  a  possibility  must  certainly  be  allowed  for 
in  the  case  of  a  great  preacher  like  Paul,  who 
would  make  it  his  business  to  find  common  ground 
with  his  audiences,  without  necessarily  accepting 
the  precise  interpretations  which  they  might  put 
upon  his  terms.  In  any  case,  an  individuality  like 
Paul  could  not  borrow  without  transforming.^ 
''  If  we  are  to  speak  of  Mystery-piety  in  Paul's 
case,"  says  Reitzenstein,  "  we  must  never  forget 
that  the  mystery  is  for  him  only  the  symbol 
(Bild)  of  an  actually  experienced  /-tera^oXr/,  a 
conversion."  ^  It  is  wholly  a  question  of  his  pre- 
cise relation  to  his  environment.     That  we  can 

1  See  an  admirable  paragraph  by  Reitzenstein  in  Zeitsch.  f. 
N.T.  Wiss.,  1912,  i.,  p.  23. 

^  lb.,  p.  27.  Wendland  attractively  suggests  that  Paul 
stood  towards  the  religion  of  the  Mysteries,  as  Plato  towards 
Orphism.  It  in  no  sense  constitutes  the  centre  of  his  re- 
ligious life,  but  it  yields  him  effective  forms  of  expression  for 
his  Christian  experience  {Die  hellenistisch-romisohe  Eultur,^ 
p.  185), 


MYSTEKY-TEKMINOLOGY  123 

only  estimate  by  a  careful  examination  of  the 
facts. 

Let  us  begin  with  the  important  term  fiva-Trj- 
piov.  It  occurs  more  than  a  dozen  times  in  the 
Pauline  Epistles/  and  it  certainly  suggests  some 
affinity  with  ethnic  religious  usage.  But  that 
usage  is  itself  flexible.  Probably  the  notion  of 
"  something  kept  secret "  always  belongs  to  it, 
including  such  ideas  as  the  hidden  sense  of  a 
passage  and  the  mystic  meaning  of  a  word.  It 
stands,  of  course,  for  any  ritual  or  magical  action. 
Thence  it  develops  such  senses  as  the  docu- 
ment which  contains  a  revelation,  or  a  divinely 
taught  prayer,  which  is  of  necessity  believed  to 
be  effectual.^  In  trying  to  determine  the  shades 
of  meaning  involved  in  any  Pauline  term,  it  is 
self-evident  that  the  usage  of  the  LXX  must  be 
examined.  There  are,  roughly  speaking,  about 
a  dozen  instances  of  [xvo-TrjpLov  in  the  LXX,  and 

^  We  include  Ephesians,  as  the  only  argument  which  ap- 
pears to  us  really  valid  against  Paul's  authorship  is  that  of 
the  style,  and  in  this  respect  there  seems  to  be  a  far  closer 
afifinity  between  Ephesians  and  Colossians  than  between  Colos- 
sians  and  any  of  the  other  Epistles.  The  hypothesis  which 
accounts  for  this  affinity  by  a  process  of  borrowing  fails  to  do 
justice  to  the  essentially  Pauline  spirit  of  the  Epistle. 

^  See  iieitzenstein's  valuable  note,  HM.B.,  pp.  95-97. 


124         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

with  the  exception  of  two,  in  which  it  is  com- 
bined with  TekeTT]  in  the  technical  sense  (Wisd.  of 
Sol.  xiv.  15,  23),  it  seems  invariably  to  mean 
"  secrets  "  or  "  secret  plans,"  once  or  twice  of 
God,  usually  of  men.  In  Daniel  ii.  18  (LXX)  it 
stands  for  the  dream  which  the  king  had  for- 
gotten. In  the  one  passage  where  it  occurs  in 
the  Gospels  (Matt.  xiii.  11  =  Mark  iv.  11  =  Luke 
viii.  10),  in  the  phrase  ra  ^v(TT7]pLa  (Mark,  to  /x.) 
Trj<s  ^ao"iXeias  tov  deov  (Matt.,  tcov  ovpavcov),  it 
suggests  the  secret  purposes  or  plans  of  God  con- 
cerning His  kingdom  which  are  coming  to  light 
in  the  work  and  teaching  of  Jesus,  and  which 
appeal  only  to  sensitive  hearts.  When  we  turn 
to  the  Pauline  Epistles,  we  at  once  discover  that 
some  of  the  instances  directly  tally  with  the 
usage  of  the  LXX  and  Synoptics.  To  this  class 
belongs  Romans  xi.  25  :  "  For  I  do  not  wish  you, 
brethren,  to  be  ignorant  of  this  fivo-TtjpLov  .  .  . 
that  callousness  has,  in  part,  fallen  upon  Israel 
until  the  fulness  of  the  Gentiles  come  in,  and  so 
all  Israel  shall  be  saved  ".  Paul  here  deals  with 
what  has  been  for  him  a  serious  problem,  the  re- 
jection of  the  Gospel  by  the  chosen  people,  and 
its  glad  acceptance  by  the  heathen.  The  one 
explanation  he  can  find  is  a  secret  purpose  of  God 


MYSTEEY-TEKMINOLOGY  125 

whereby  the  ingathering  of  the  Gentiles  shall 
finally  prove  a  compelling  force  to  attract  Israel 
also.  In  1  Corinthians  xv.  51  he  describes  the 
transformation  of  believers  at  the  Parousia  as  a 
fivcrrijpLov,  i.e.,  as  a  Divine  plan  which  has  been 
revealed  to  him,  the  knowledge  of  which  could 
not  have  been  reached  in  any  other  way.  His 
standpoint  here  is  made  plain  by  1  Corinthians 
xiii.  2 :  "If  I  have  the  gift  of  prophecy,  and 
know  all  ixvo-TijpLa  and  all  yi/wcrt?  ".  The  prophet 
is  for  the  Apostolic  Age,  as  for  the  Old  Testa- 
ment (and  we  may  include  the  Mystery-Religions), 
the  man  who  is  able  to  declare  to  his  fellows  the 
secret  mind  of  God.  So  Paul,  in  1  Corinthians 
iv.  1,  can  speak  of  himself  and  his  fellow-labourers 
as  "  ministers  of  Christ  and  stewards  of  the 
fiva-TTJpLa  of  God  ".  Their  function  is  to  reveal 
the  Divine  "  secrets  ".  The  "  speaking  with 
tongues  "  Paul  estimates  at  a  lower  value  than 
''  prophesying,"  yet  that  also  is  a  gift  of  the  npevfiaj 
and  presupposes  a  certain  contact  with  the 
Divine.  Hence  he  who  speaks  "  in  a  tongue  " 
may  be  described  (1  Cor.  xiv.  2)  as  speaking  by 
the  Spirit. 

One  secret    purpose  of    God,  however,  over- 
shadows all  others  for  the  Apostle's  mind,  and 


126         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

in  its  various  bearings  seems  to  fill  his  thought 
predominantly  as  he  lies  a  prisoner  at  Rome.  It 
is  described  most  explicitly  in  Ephesians  iii.  1  ff.  : 
''  For  this  cause  I  Paul,  the  prisoner  of  Christ 
Jesus  on  behalf  of  you  Gentiles,  if  as  a  matter 
of  fact  ye  heard  of  the  stewardship  of  the  grace 
of  God  granted  to  me  with  a  view  to  you,  how 
that  by  revelation  was  made  known  to  me  the 
IxvaTrfpLov  .  .  .  which  was  not  made  known  in 
other  generations  .  .  .  that  the  Gentiles  are 
fellow-heirs  and  fellow-members  of  the  body,  and 
fellow-partakers  of  the  promise  in  Christ  Jesus 
through  the  Gospel  ".  It  is  magnified  also  in  Co- 
lossians  i.  25  S.  :  "According  to  the  stewardship 
of  God  granted  to  me  with  a  view  to  you,  to 
fulfil  the  word  of  God,  the  iivcrrripiov  hidden  from 
ages  and  generations  :  but  now  it  has  been  mani- 
fested to  his  saints,  to  whom  God  was  pleased 
to  make  known  what  is  the  wealth  of  the  glory 
of  this  iiva-Trjpiov  among  the  Gentiles,  which  is 
Christ  in  you  (i.^..  Gentiles),  the  hope  of  glory  ". 
The  same  overpowering  fact  is  referred  to,  a  few 
verses  lower  down,  in  ii.  2,  a  passage  in  which 
the  text  is  far  from  certain,  but  which  on  any 
reading  connects  the  fiva-TTJpLou  of  God  with 
"  Christ,  in  whom  are  all  the  treasures  of  wisdom 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  127 

and  knowledge  hidden ".  In  Colossians  iv.  3 
and  Ephesians  vi.  19,  Paul  describes  himself  as 
a  prisoner  on  account  of  this  fxvcrTTJpioi/.  A 
wider  aspect  of  the  significance  of  the  great 
truth  is  unfolded  in  Ephesians  i.  9  ff.  :  "  Having 
made  known  to  us  the  fjL.  of  his  will,  according 
to  his  good  pleasure  which  he  purposed  in  him 
for  the  dispensation  of  the  fulness  of  the  times, 
to  sum  up  all  things  in  Christ ".  The  notion  of 
a  hidden  process  to  be  revealed  in  its  true  char- 
acter at  the  Parousia,  when  all  restraints  shall 
be  removed,  is  apparent  in  2  Thessalonians  ii.  6-8 
{to  fx.  TTJs  avofiia^).  Ephesians  v.  32  stands  by 
itself.  In  admonishing  husbands  and  wives  as 
to  their  mutual  relationships,  he  enforces  his 
precepts  by  the  illustration  of  Christ  and  the 
Church.  He  cites  Genesis  ii.  24  on  the  unity  of 
man  and  wife,  and  then  adds  :  ''  This  /x.  is  im- 
portant ;  I  declare  it  with  reference  to  Christ 
and  th&  Church*'.  The  instances  quoted  by 
Hatch  from  Justin  Martyr,^  in  which  fxva-TijpLoi/ 
is  interchanged  with  napa^oXij,  crvfji^okovy  and 
TVTTos,  justify  in  this  passage  the  translation 
"  symbol ". 

Before    we    deal    with    the    only   remaining 
^  Essays  in  Biblical  Greek,  pp.  60,  61. 


128         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

passage,^  let  us  briefly  collect  the  implications 
of  Paul's  use  of  fiva-Ti/jpLov.  It  is  remarkable 
that  it  is  mostly  found,  paradoxically,  in  close 
connection  with  verbs  of  revelation  {oLTroKaXvir- 
T€iVj  (jyavepovp,  yvoiplt^eiv).  That  wholly  accords 
with  PauFs  favourite  idea  of  his  own  function 
of  KiqpvcTa-eiv  {e.g.,  1  Cor.  i.  23  :  "we  proclaim 
Christ  crucified  "  ;  cf.  2  Cor.  v.  20  :  "  on  Christ's 
behalf,  therefore,  we  are  ambassadors  as  though 
God  were  beseeching  you  through  us  :  we  entreat 
you  on  Christ's  behalf,  be  reconciled  to  God  "). 
It  most  commonly  refers  to  that  transforming 
discovery  which  Paul  had  reached  along  the 
lines  of  his  own  Christian  experience,  that  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  was  intended  for  Gentiles  on 
the  very  same  terms  as  for  Jews.  Often  it  has 
a  distinctly  eschatological  outlook,  as  in  Komans 
xi.  25  ;  1  Corinthians  ii.  7  :  ''  We  speak  the  wisdom 
of  God  in  a  mystery  ...  the  wisdom  which 
God  fore-ordained  for  our  glory"  (ets  ho^av 
r)fjLcoi/) ;  1  Corinthians  xv.  51  ;  Ephesians  i.  9  ;  Co- 
lossians  i.  26:  ''to  fulfil  the  word  of  God,  the 

1  We  have  omitted  Rom.  xvi.  25,  as  we  entirely  agree  with 
Dr.  Denney's  judgment  on  the  passage :  "  It  is  very  difficult 
to  believe  that  such  mosaic  work  is  the  original  composition 
ofP&u\"  (E.G.T.,  adloc). 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  129 

mystery  hidden  from  the  ages — but  now  it  has 
been  manifested  to  the  saints,  to  whom  God 
was  pleased  to  make  known  what  is  the  riches 
of  the  glory  of  this  mystery  among  the  Gentiles, 
which  is  Christ  in  you,  the  hope  of  glory  "  (17 
iknU  Trj';  80^779) ;  2  Thessalonians  ii.  7.^  Hence 
there  is  no  ground  for  Prof.  Percy  Gardner's  as- 
sertion that  for  Paul  "  the  Christian  mystery  lies 
in  a  relation  between  the  disciple  and  his  heavenly 
Master,"  or  that "  the  mystery  of  Paul  was  a  sacred 
but  secret  belief  in  the  existence  of  a  spiritual  bond 
holding  together  a  society  in  union  with  a  spiritual 
lord  with  whom  the  society  had  communion".^ 
Evidence  for  such  a  position  is  completely  lack- 
ing. Indeed  Prof.  Gardner  passes  by  the  most 
significant  feature  in  the  passage  which  he  takes 
as  his  starting-point,  1  Cor.  ii.  1-10,  a  section 
which  we  must  now  consider.  Here  Paul  dis- 
tinguishes between  the  usual  subject  of  his 
preaching,  "  Jesus  Christ  and  him  as  crucified  " 
(ver.  2),  and  "  a  wisdom,''  a  more  difficult  ele- 

1  It  is  putting  the  matter  too  strongly  to  say,  as  J.  Weiss 
does  (on  1  Cor.  ii.  7),  that  ixvarripLov  "is  concerned  as  a  rule 
with  eschatological  niatters,"  but  there  is  some  ground  for 
the  statement. 

"^  The  Religious  Experience  of  St.  Paul,  pp.  78,  79, 

9 


130         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

merit  in  his  teaching,  which  he  declares  tois 
TcXetot?,  "a  Divine  wisdom  eV  fxvcTTTjpLcp  (vers. 
6,  7),  which  has  been  hidden  ".  The  following 
clauses  show  that  this  is  concerned  with  the 
glorious  future  of  the  redeemed.  We  shall  ex- 
amine the  meaning  of  rekeLos  immediately,  but 
.this  passage  certainly  has  a  suggestion  of  the 
\  Mysteries  ;  the  Apostle  speaks  of  a  more  ad- 
jvanced  stage  of  Christian  instruction  which  de- 
Imands  a  higher  grade  of  understanding.  The 
same  background  appears  in  the  continuation  of 
the  passage,  in  which  emphasis  is  laid  upon  the 
revelation  of  the  deep  things  of  God  through  the 
Spirit  to  the  TrpevfiaTCKo^.  Here,  however,  as  we 
have  seen.  Old  Testament  conceptions  must  be 
allowed  for,  and  even  in  the  former  case  we  can- 
not, on  the  basis  of  our  data,  decide  how  far  Paul 
identifies  himself  with  the  Mystery  point  of  view. 
We  are  warned  against  straining  his  language  by 
the  phrase  employed  quite  casually  in  Philip- 
pians  iv.  12  :  "I  have  been  initiated  into  the 
secret  of  being  filled  and  of  being  hungry  ". 

We  have  just  noted  that  Paul  refers  in  1  Corin- 
thians ii.  6  to  a  (TO(j)La,  a  higher  stage  of  instruction, 
which  he  imparts  to  the  reXetot.  How  much  is 
involved  in  the  content  of  the  word  ?    It  is  pos- 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  131 

sible  that  there  is  an  allusion  in  both  these  ex- 
pressions to  arrogant  claims  made  by  adherents 
of  the  Apollos-party.  We  know  that  Alexandrian 
Judaism  laid  great  stress  on  a  superior  knowledge 
{co^ia)  which  was  the  privilege  of  elect  souls, 
bestowed  by  God.  The  personified  ao^ia  is 
described  as  ixvcttls  .  .  .  rrj^  rod  deov  eTrto-ri^/xT^s 
(Wisd.  viii.  4).  Philo,  in  expounding  certain 
Old  Testament  passages,  speaks  of  "  instructing 
in  divine  mysteries  (reXeras  .  .  .  Oela^)  the  ini- 
tiates (/Avcrra?)  who  are  worthy  of  such  sacred 
mysteries "  {De  Cherub.,  42).  He  himself  has 
been  fivrjOel^  tol  fieydXa  fivorTi/jpia  (ib.,  49).  It  is 
probable  that  reXeLo^  belongs  to  this  circle  of 
mystery-ideas.  Plato  uses  the  phrase  ra  rcXca 
KOI  inoTTTLKa  [iJLvaTujpLo]  to  denote  the  higher 
initiation  {Sympos.,  210  A),  and  describes  the  man 
who  rightly  uses  the  recollections  of  what  his 
soul  once  saw  in  fellowship  with  God  (o-vfiTro- 
pevdelcra  0eS)  as  **  being  ever  initiated  into  per- 
fect mysteries  "  {reXeovs  ael  reXera?  reXovfxevo^) 
and  alone  becoming  *^  truly  perfect "  {reXeo^;  ovtco^  : 
Phwdr.,  249  C).  Some  scholars,  e.g.y  W.  Bauer, 
hold  that  t4\€o^  (=  reXcios)  here  cannot  mean 
"fully  initiated,"  that  sense  being  involved  in 
rekoviievo^;,  and  reXeos,  which  is  suggested  by  a 
play  upon  words,  having  its  ordinary  significance. 


132         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

But  when  we  find  ixvo-tlkov  reXovq  ( =  mystic  rite) 
in  iEsch.  Fr.,  387  (Nauck,  ed.  2),  and  the  plural 
Te\yj  {e.g.,  Eur.,  Hipp.,  25,  TeXrj  fivcrTrjpLcoj/)  con- 
stantly employed  with  this  meaning,  it  is  surely 
hazardous  to  say  that  TeXeuos  cannot  be  used 
with  this  technical  connotation.  In  the  Hermetic 
literature,  those  who  have  received  the  baptism 
of  the  Divine  vovs  become  reXetoi.^  Only  the 
reXcto?,  who  has  shared  in  the  Divine  yi/wo-ts,  can 
make  another  reXetos.'^  Hence  arises  the  phrase 
Xdyo9  TeXeLO';  used  as  a  title  for  one  of  the  Her- 
metic documents,  the  revelation  which  initiates 
into  the  knowledge  of  God. 

But  other  aspects  of  Tek€Lo<;  must  not  be  ig- 
nored. Of  the  seven  passages  in  which  the  word 
occurs,  two  definitely  contrast  reXeios  with  vtJttlos 
(1  Cor.  xiv.  20  ;  Eph.  iv.  13,  14).  Here  the  word 
must  mean  *'  grown-up,"  "  mature,"  as  opposed 
to  "  childish  ".  This  is  the  stage  of  ripe  know- 
ledge as  contrasted  with  rudimentary  attainment. 
As  we  shall  find  irvev^aTiKoi  used  as  equivalent 
to  reXetot  in  the  context  of  the  passage  from 
which  we  started  (1  Cor.  iii.  1  fF.),  and  there  put 
in  antithesis  to  vtjttlol,  there  seems  a  good  deal  to 

^See  Beitzenstein,  H.M.B.,  p.  165;  KroU,  op.  cit,  sp.  811. 
^  See  Beitzenstein,  Neue  Jahrb.  f.  klass.  Alt.,  1904,  p.  188. 


MYSTEEY-TEKMINOLOGY  133 

be  said  for  this  significance.  The  term  "  mature  " 
would,  roughly  speaking,  suit  all  the  Pauline 
passages.  A  further  possibility,  however,  is  em-  \ 
phasised  by  J.  Weiss  in  the  excellent  note  on 
TeXeioi  appended  to  his  commentary  on  1  Corin- 
thians iii.  3.  He  points  out  that  in  the  later 
Stoics  and  Philo  reXeLos  is  constantly  used  of  the 
culminating  stage  of  the  good  life,  which  the 
philosopher  is  called  to  strive  after.  Philo  (Leg, 
Alleg.,  iii.,  159)  places  it  after  the  two  earlier 
phases  of  6  ap^d/iet'os  and  6  ttpokotttcov.  And  a 
passage  in  Epictetus  {Enchir.,  li.,  If.)  aptly  illu- 
minates TO  TeXeLov  which  Paul  contrasts  with 
TO  e/c  iJL€pov<;  in  1  Corinthians  xiii.  10,  and  still 
more  the  difficult  ol  reXetot  of  Philippians  iii.  16. 
In  the  latter  verse,  as  in  1  Corinthians  ii.  6, 
reXeto?  seems  to  have  an  anticipatory  sense.  For 
Paul  has  just  spoken  of  himself  as  "not  having 
yet  reached  the  goal  "  (rereXetw/Aat,  Phil.  iii.  12), 
and  that  implication  may  certainly  be  read  be- 
tween the  lines  in  1  Corinthians  ii.  6  ff.  Epic- 
tetus (loc.  cit,)  warns  the  reXetos  of  the  danger  of 
making  no  progress  {ov  TrpoKoxIfas)  and  remaining 
in  life  and  death  an  ordinary  man.  Thus  for 
him  the  term  applies  already  to  the  man  who  has 
set  out  on  the  true  path  and  is  still  advancing. 


134         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

This  accords  admirably  with  Paul's  usual  stand- 
point, from  which  he  sees  in  his  converts  the  end 
in  the  beginning,  and  can  think  of  them  as  ideally 
"  saints "  because  they  have  received  the  new 
life,  although  that  life  has  to  develop  in  the  face 
of  many  obstacles.  It  is  extremely  difficult  to 
decide  between  these  various  shades  of  meaning. 
And  in  this  case  the  LXX  sheds  little  light  on 
PauFs  usage.  There  Tckeio^  usually  translates 
D^i^ri  (and  DJi),  "  sound,"  "  healthy  "  (of  sacrifi- 
cial animals),  or  "  having  integrity  "  (of  men),  as 
well  as  nh)p  and  ohp,  denoting  "  submission  to 
God  "  and  "  peace-offerings  ".  Wellhausen  finds 
the  root-idea  in  DW'  to  be  fellowship  between 
God  and  His  worshippers,  and  this  suggests  an 
early  ritual  connotation  which  is  perhaps  implied 
in  reXetos  as  used  in  the  LXX.  In  one  passage 
(1  Chron.  xxv.  8)  it  occurs  in  the  phrase  TekeCcov 
KoX  fxavOavovTCJVf  translating  pn^  =  "  teachers  ". 
This  recalls  the  contrast  in  Paul  between  reXeioi 
and  v7]7noi.  It  seems  quite  possible  to  combine  the 
sense  of  "  mature  "  with  that  of  ''  complete  at- 
tainment "  for  which  J.  Weiss  argues.  And  in 
view  of  the  earlier  associations  of  the  communi- 
ties which  Paul  addresses,  we  cannot  certainly 


MYSTEKY-TEBMINOLOGY  135 

rule  out  the  suggestion  that  the  Mystery-atmo- 
sphere is  to  some  extent  present/  although  plainly 
no  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  this  term  as  to 
PauFs  personal  attitude  towards  the  Mystery- 
conceptions. 

It  is  universally  admitted  that  Paul's  use  of 
TTvevfiaTLKOL  in  1  Corinthians  iii.  1  (''As  for  me, 
brethren,  I  could  not  speak  to  you  as  *  spiritual ' 
men  ")  implies  its  equivalence  to  reXetot  in  ii.  6. 
And  whatever  differences  may  arise  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  details,  it  is  obvious  from  ii.  10-16 
that  the  basal  significance  of  TrveviiariKo^  is  "  one 
who  has  received  *the  spirit  that  is  from  God,'  " 
as  Paul  puts  it  (ver.  12).  He  applies  the  ad- 
jective to  spiritual  gifts,  such  as  prophecy  and 
speaking  with  "tongues"  (1  Cor.  xiv.  1  ff.),  to 
the  law  as  a  Divine  ordinance  (Rom.  vii.  14), 
to  the  future  organism  (o-w/xa)  of  believers 
divinely  given  (1  Cor.  xv.  44  f.),  and  in  the 
vague  phrase  ra  irvevfiaTtKa  ttJ?  Trovyjpiaf;,  to 
"  spiritual  powers  of  evil "  (Eph.  vi.  12).  A  more 
abnormal  use  appears  in  1  Corinthians  x.  3  f., 
where,  as  epithet  of  fipSfia^  7rd/xa,  and  Trer/oa,  it 
seems  to  mean  "having  spiritual  significance''. 
Characteristic  of  Paul's  standpoint  is  1  Cor- 
^  So  even  Lightfoot  on  Colossians  i.  28. 


136         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

inthians  xiv.  37  ("If  any  one  presumes  to  be 
a  prophet  or  spiritual,  let  him  clearly  recognise 
that  what  I  write  to  you  is  the  commandment 
of  the  Lord"),  from  which  it  is  evident  that 
irpocfirJTrjs  and  irvevixaTLKo^  are  alternative  de- 
scriptions of  the  same  type  of  person.  "En- 
dowed with  TTvevfjLa''  expresses  the  content  of 
the  term.  We  can  without  much  difficulty  de- 
termine what  this  involves  for  the  Apostle.  Out 
of  some  150  instances  of  irveviia  in  his  Epistles, 
all,  except  perhaps  about  thirty,  refer  to  the 
direct  influence  of  God.  The  irvevfjia  for  Paul 
is,  in  these  cases,  the  Divine  response  to  faith, 
faith  in  Christ  crucified,  risen,  and  alive  for 
evermore.  For  the  present  we  shall  pass  by 
the  relation  of  the  TTvevixa  to  Baptism.  But  it 
may  be  said  that,  as  a  matter  of  practical  re- 
ligious experience,  Paul  identifies  the  irvevyLa 
with  the  indwelling  Christ.  Eomans  viii.  9,  10, 
is  decisive  :  "  But  ye  are  not  in  the  flesh  but  in 
the  spirit,  that  is  if  the  Spirit  of  God  dwells  in 
you.  Now  if  any  one  have  not  the  Spirit  of 
Christ,  he  does  not  belong  to  him.  But  if  Christ 
be  in  you,  the  body  is  dead  because  of  sin,  but 
the  spirit  is  life  because  of  righteousness."  Pos- 
session of  the  wvevfia  neutralises   the   evil  ten- 


MYSTEEY-TEKMINOLOGY  137 

dencies  of  the  adp^,^  the  "flesh/'  which  the 
Apostle  has  discovered  as  an  actual  fact  of 
experience,  but  which  he  never  analyses  meta- 
physically. The  last  clause  of  the  passage  just 
quoted  illustrates  about  one-half  of  the  remain- 
ing uses  of  TTvevfia  in  Paul.  The  gift  or  accession 
of  the  Spirit  transforms  the  inner  Hfe  so  that  it 
becomes  assimilated  to  the  life  of  Christ,  which 
is  Divine.  Hence  the  new  life  of  the  Christian 
can  be  designated  irvevixa  as  contrasted  with 
o-ctpf,  as,  e.g.,  in  Romans  viii.  10,  or  i.  9  :  "God, 
whom  I  serve  iv  tco  Trz/ev/xart  /xov  in  the  Gospel 
of  his  Son ".  Sometimes  he  distinguishes  be- 
tween the  indwelling  irvevfia  and  the  Hfe  which 
it  controls,  as  in  Romans  viii.  16:  "The  Spirit 
itself  bears  witness  with  our  spirit  that  we  are 
children  of  God".  Elsewhere,  the  distinction 
falls  into  the  background :  e.g.y  1  Corinthians 
vi.  17  :  "  He  that  is  joined  to  the  Lord  is  ev 
TTvevfia".  Rather  more  than  a  dozen  passages 
occur  in  which  irvevfia  is  more  colourless  and 
seems  to  stand  simply  for  the  inner  life  of  man 

^  Apparently  ardpi  was  used  in  a  disparaging  sense  of  the 
body  by  the  Orphics,  and  later,  by  Plato  and  Platonising 
thinkers.  See  esp.  Seneca,  Ep.  92,  110,  qu.  by  Capelle  in 
his  instructive  art.,  "  Body  (Greek  and  Roman),"  Encycl.  of 
B.  and  E.,  Vol.  2. 


138         ST.  PAUL'S  RELATION  TO  THE 

without  special  reference  to  Divine  inspiration, 
e.g.y  1  Corinthians  ii.  11 :  ''What  man  knows  the 
things  of  man,  except  the  spirit  of  man  which 
is  in  him  ? "  Here  nvevfia  is  virtually  the  equi- 
valent of  \ffvxnj  the  ordinary  life-principle  of 
humanity,  the  correlative  of  orapf,  man's  material 
nature  discovered  in  experience  to  be  sinful.  So 
Paul  can  speak,  in  2  Corinthians  vii.  1,  of  cleans- 
ing themselves  "  from  all  defilement  of  flesh  and 
spirit  (o-apKo^  koL  TTj/evftaros),"  a  passage  which 
proves  that  he  has  no  really  dualistic  theory  of 
crdp^  and  Tn^ev/xa.  He  very  rarely  employs 
xjfvxy],  and  only  in  the  sense  we  have  mentioned ; 
but  in  three  interesting  passages  he  contrasts 
xjjvxf'Kos  with  TTvevfiaTiKo^  to  describe  man  apart 
from  the  Divine  influence  of  the  irveviia  (1  Cor. 
ii.  14;  XV.  44, 46).  His  exact  meaning  is  brought 
out  by  Jude  19  :  ovToi  ela-iv  .  .  .  \\fv)(}Koi,  irvevfia 
firj  €xovT€<s.  It  is  more  difficult  to  define  the 
precise  relationships  of  the  term  povs  which 
Paul  occasionally  uses  in  this  circle  of  ideas, 
but,  generally  speaking,  it  seems  to  have  the 
meaning  given  it  in  the  popular  philosophy  of 
the  period  (=  Xoyt/c?)  V'^x^)>  ^^®  power  of  judg- 
ing which  belongs  to  the  inner  life  as  such. 
When  this  judgment  is   true  to  itself,  it  will 


MYSTERY-TERMINOLOGY  139 

decide  for  the  Divine  law,  as,  e.g.,  Romans  vii. 
25  :  '*  So  therefore  I  for  myself  {i.e.,  as  apart 
from  Divine  influence)  with  my  vovs  serve  the 
law  of  God".  But  so  long  as  the  vov<^  is  not 
invigorated  by  the  Divine  nvevfia  it  will  be  ham- 
pered by  its  fleshly  associations,  so  that  he  has 
to  add:  "but  with  my  flesh  the  law  of  sin". 
The  vov<;  is  a  purely  natural  capacity  which 
none  the  less  provides  as  it  were  the  basis  for 
the  operations  of  the  Divine  irpevfia.  Hence,  in 
Romans  xii.  2,  Paul  can  speak  of  the  "renew- 
ing "  (di/a/caiWo-i?)  of  the  vovs  {cf.  Eph.  iv.  23). 
And  in  his  graphic  description  of  ecstatic  ex- 
periences in  1  Corinthians  xiv.  13  ff.  he  still 
distinguishes  between  to  Trvevfid  fiov  and  6  vov<; 
fiov,  TTvevfjia  denoting  his  inner  life  on  its  inspired 
side,  while  vovs  represents  the  cool,  critical 
judgment  which  regulates  unique  spiritual  ex- 
periences with  a  view  to  practical  utility.^  In 
two  important  passages  (Rom.  xi.  34,  and  1 
Cor.  ii.  16 :  "  who  hath  known  the  mind  of  the 
Lord  ? ")  the  Apostle,  quoting  from  the  LXX 
of  Isaiah  xl.  13,  retains  the  expression  vovv 
Kvpiov,  I/0V9  being  here  the  LXX  translation  of 
the  Hebrew  ruach,  ordinarily  rendered  by  Tn/ev/m. 
^J.  Weiss'  note  on  1  Cor.  xiv.  14  appears  to  miss  the 
whole  point  of  the  passage. 


140         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

Probably  the  translators  must  have  known  of  a 
use  of  vov^  equivalent  to  Tn/evjxa.  At  any  rate  it 
is  impossible  to  make  a  distinction  betvreen  the 
two  in  1  Corinthians  ii.  16. 

Now  Keitzenstein,  in  his  famous  researches 
into  the  Hermetic  literature  and  its  parallels  in 
magical  papyri  and  contemporary  Pagan  mystery- 
cults,  asserts  that  Paul's  various  uses  of  nvevfia 
are  all  to  be  found  in  Hellenistic  religious  docu- 
ments ;  that  his  antithesis  between  Trz/ev/xartfco? 
and  xpvxt'Kos  was  current  before  Paul's  time  ;  that 
7rpeviiaTLK6<s  was  a  fixed  religious  conception  in 
the  sphere  of  the  mystic  faiths  of  Paganism  ;  and 
that  vov<;  had  already  become  an  important  re- 
ligious term,  the  direct  equivalent  oi  irvevfjia.  "  It 
is  in  any  case  noteworthy,"  he  declares,  "  that  all 
the  passages  in  Paul  can  be  explained  from  Hel- 
lenistic usage  (particularly  those  in  which  we 
cannot  decide  whether  he  is  speaking  of  the 
TTvevfia  of  man  or  of  a  Divi^ie  frvevfxa,  as,  e.g., 
1  Cor.  V.  4,  5).  Whether  all  may  be  as  easily 
understood  from  the  Hebrew  use  of  ruach  and 
nephesh,  or  from  that  of  Tri^evfjia  in  the  LXX, 
the  theologian  must  determine."^  We  shall 
attempt  briefly  to  examine  and  estimate  the  evi- 
'  H.M.E.,  p.  140. 


MYSTEEY-TEKMINOLOGY  141 

dence  which  he  adduces,  and  then  to  analyse  the 
relevant  phenomena  in  the  Old  Testament. 

1.  The  use  of  TTvevfia  in  Hellenistic  mystery- 
documents,  (a)  TTvevfjLa  contrasted  with  oSfia 
and  o-apf :  Kenyon,  Greek  Pap,,  i.,  p.  80  :  eVt/ca- 
XovfJLaC  ere  top  KTioravTa  .  .  .  Tracrav  crdpKa  kol  ttolv 
TTvevfia;  Pap.  Berol,,  i.,  177:  crov  to  acofia  irepi- 
crreXet  [6  ^eds],  crov  8e  to  irvevfia  .  .  .  d^ei  crvv 
kavTca}  (b)  Used  of  God  :  Wessely,  Zaiiberpap,, 
i.,  p.  72  (1.  1115)  :  "  Hail,  Spirit  that  enters  into 
me  .  .  .  according  to  the  Divine  will,  in  gracious- 
ness";  i.,  p.  284  :  "And  straightway  enters  the 
Divine  Spirit  "  {to  Oeiov  npevfia).^  Cf.  the  prayer 
in  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra  (p.  4,  1.  13  f.)  :  "  that  I 
may  be  initiated  and  that  the  holy  Spirit  (lepov 
TTi/evfjLa)  may  blow  within  me  ".^  The  mate- 
rialistic character  of  the  latter  passage  is  obvious. 
An  interesting  example  is  found  in  the  prayer  of 
the  prophet  Urbicus  (Pap.  Lugd.,  v.,  col.  10,  12, 
publ.  by  Dieterich)  :  "  My  spirit  (wpevfjia)  was 
heard  by  all  the  gods  and  demons  ".  This  is  ex- 
pounded in  detail :  "  My  spirit  was  heard  by  the 
spirit  of  heaven  ...  by  the  spirit  of  earth,"  etc. 
TTuevfia  is  the  link  between  earth  and  heaven.* 

1  H.M.B.,  p.  136.  'H.M.B,,  pp.  137,  136. 

^  Ed.  2  (Dieterich- Wiinsch).  *  H.M.B.y  p.  138. 


142         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

(c)  Identification  of  Trvevfia  with  xfjvxyj-  Here 
Keitzenstein  confines  himself  to  a  group  of  strik- 
ing instances  from  Philo.  He  holds  that  in  more 
philosophical  circles,  while  the  description  of  the 
higher  life  as  Truevfxa  is  known,  the  conception  of 
ipvxy]  as  the  antithesis  of  o-oi/xa  has  taken  root 
so  firmly  that  it  cannot  be  displaced.  But  it  is 
impossible  to  mistake  the  significance  of  such 
sentences  as  De  Abrah.,  236  :  "  All  those  who 
are  able  to  behold  things  in  a  bodiless  and  naked 
form,  who  live  rather  for  the  soul  (\pvxfj)  than  for 
the  body  ".  Here  and  in  numerous  other  places 
i//vx>?  stands  for  the  spiritual  life.  A  very  sug- 
gestive example  occurs  in  a  prayer  of  the  Liturgy 
of  Mithra  (p.  14,  24  f.)  :  *' Abide  with  me  in  my 
soul  (yjjvx'o),  forsake  me  not ".  Obviously  in 
this  utterance  no  sharp  distinction  could  be  drawn 
between  xpvxy]  and  TTvev^xa. 

2.  TTi/evfjiaTLKo^  and  T/zu^t/cd?  in  the  Mystery- 
literature.  The  form  in  which  Reitzenstein  has 
presented  his  material  on  this  point  makes  it 
difficult  to  distinguish  between  the  actual  data 
and  his  bold  inferences  from  them.  In  our  last 
paragraph  we  noted  the  conception  of  the  Divine 
Spirit  {irvevfjia)  as  entering  the  human  personality. 
This  being  so,  we  might  expect  to  find  the  corre- 


MYSTEBY-TEKMINOLOGY  143 

spending  adjective  to  describe  the  condition  of 
the  spirit-possessed  person.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
only  one  instance  is  adduced,  from  Wessely, 
Zaitberpap,,  i.,  p.  89  (1.  1778),  where  Eros  is 
addressed  as  "  lord  of  all  spiritual  perception 
(Tn/cuftart/crJ?  atcr^7/<r€cos)  of  all  hidden  {i,e.,  Divine) 
things  ".^  The  contrasted  term  i//vxt/co5  seems 
only  to  occur  once  in  the  extant  fragments,  but 
the  passage  is  very  suggestive.  In  the  opening 
prayer  of  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra,  the  aspirant 
after  the  vision  of  God  makes  supplication  :  "For 
to-day  I,  a  mortal  born  of  mortal  womb,  exalted 
by  Almighty  power  and  incorruptible  right  hand, 
with  immortal  eyes  shall  behold  by  immortal 
spirit  the  immortal  Aeon  and  Lord  of  the  crowns 
of  fire,  I  who  have  been  sanctified  by  sacred  rites, 
while,  for  a  little,  my  human  natural  powers 
(avOpcjiTLVYJ^  fjLov  xjjvxi'Krjs  8vvdfie(o<;)  stay  behind. 
.  .  .  Stand  still,  mortal  nature  of  man."  ^  Ob- 
viously xjjvxi'Krj^  here  describes  human  nature  as 
apart  from  Trvevfxa.  The  other  examples  to  which 
Reitzenstein  refers  come  from  Gnostic  documents 
of  post-Christian  date.  He  asserts  without  argu- 
ment that  the  well-known  Gnostic  categories, 

'H.M.B.,p.  139. 

2  ^^^g  MithraslUurgie^^  p.  4,  18  ff. 


144         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

crapKLKOi,  i/fV)(ifcoi,  and  TTvevfiaTLKoC  cannot  have 
had  their  origin  in  Paul's  usage  (e.g.^  1  Cor.  iii. 
1),  but  must  be  due  to  the  Hellenistic  Mystery- 
Religions,  which  recognised  three  classes,  un- 
believers, proselytes  (religiosi),  and  riXeioi  (or, 
TTPevfjbaTLKoi).  He  seems  to  base  his  position 
largely  on  the  fact  that  in  the  Gnostic  classifica- 
tion the  use  of  \jjvx''k6<;  for  an  intermediate  group 
reveals  the  persistence  of  the  more  philosophical 
idea  of  i/^^x^'  ^^  ^^^^  ^^  sharp  division  had  to  be 
made.  But  in  Paul  also  there  are  various  instances, 
as  we  have  seen,  in  which  no  clear  distinction  is 
drawn  between  xjjvxn  and  wvevfia.  And  at  this 
point  it  may  be  worth  while  to  remind  ourselves 
of  a  possibility  which  cannot  be  summarily  ruled 
out.  The  Hellenistic  documents  from  which 
quotations  have  been  made  cannot  be  dated  with 
any  confidence.  In  chapter  ii.  we  noted  the  re- 
markable influence  of  certain  Jewish  conceptions 
on  Egyptian  magical  papyri.  When  we  remem- 
ber how  fluctuating  were  the  boundary-lines  be- 
tween various  phases  of  Gnosticism  and  Pagan 
religious  communities,  it  is  by  no  means  im- 
possible to  believe  that  semi-Christian  Gnostic 
influence  filtered  into  these  Hellenistic  Mystery- 
brotherhoods,  leaving  its  mark  both  upon  ideas 


MYSTEKY-TEKMINOLOGY  145 

and  terminology.  We  must  return  to  the  subject 
in  the  course  of  our  discussion.  Meanwhile  it 
may  be  noted  that  parallel  phenomena  occur  in 
this  highly  syncretistic  period.  For  example,  H. 
Graillot,  in  an  article  on  the  epithet  omnipotentes, 
as  used  of  Cybele  and  Attis  {Revue  Archeol., 
1904,  1),  is  disposed  to  attribute  the  usage  to 
Christian  influence.  This  may  be  doubtful.  But 
Cumont's  observation  regarding  Judaism  must 
surely  with  equal  force  apply  for  a  later  date  to 
Christian  influence  :  ^  "  Scholars  have  not  at- 
tempted ...  to  determine  up  to  what  point 
Paganism  was  modified  by  an  infusion  of  Bibli- 
cal ideas.  This  transformation  must  necessarily 
have  operated  to  some  extent." 

But  without  pressing  this  point,  let  us  glance 
at  Eeitzenstein's  parallels  between  what  he 
calls  the  "  double-being "  of  Paul  and  corre- 
sponding phenomena  in  the  Mystery-Eeligions. 
Here  we  must  guard  against  clear-cut  definitions 
and  rigidly  logical  inferences.  For  we  move  in 
an  extraordinarily  elusive  sphere.  ''If  it  be 
asked,"  says  Dr.  Inge,  "which  is  our  personality, 
the  shifting  moi  (as  F^nelon  calls  it)  or  the  ideal 
self,  the  end  or  the  developing  states  ?  we  must 

1  Les  Beligi(yns  Orientales,^  pp.  95,  96. 
10 


146         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

answer  that  it  is  both  and  neither,  and  that  the 
root  of  mystical  religion  is  in  the  conviction  that 
it  is  at  once  both  and  neither."  ^  Hence  we  dare 
not  isolate  such  an  affirmation  as  Paul's  bold 
words  in  Galatians  ii.  20 :  ''I  live,  yet  not  I,  but 
Christ  liveth  in  me  ".  Indeed,  the  very  sentence 
which  follows  reveals  that  Paul's  is  as  far  as 
possible  from  a  disintegrated  life  :  "  that  which 
I  now  live  in  the  flesh  I  live  by  faith,  faith  in 
the  Son  of  God  who  loved  me  and  gave  himself 
for  me".  That  is  to  say,  the  relation  of  the 
human  individual  Paul  to  Jesus  the  historic 
Person  is  never  lost  in  a  vague  and  impalpable 
experience.  Reitzenstein  lays  great  stress  on 
what  he  regards  as  a  sort  of  two-fold  person- 
ality in  the  initiates  of  the  Hellenistic  Mystery- 
Religions.  Thus  in  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra 
the  suppliant  exclaims :  "  It  is  not  possible 
for  me,  a  mortal  born,  to  rise  up  on  high  with 
the  golden  radiance  of  the  immortal  light,"  and 
he  bids  his  human  nature  be  still,  while  he  at- 
tains the  vision  of  God  with  his  Divine.^  In  the 
vision  of  the  alchemist  Zosimus,  who  reflects  the 

^  Christian  Mysticism,  p.  33. 
^Eine  Mithrasliturgie,''  p.  4,  27-29. 


MYSTEEY-TEBMINOLOGY  147 

popular  Mystery-theology,  such  sentences  occur 
as  this :  "  The  men  who  desire  to  reach  virtue 
enter  in  here  and  become  spirits  (Tn^ev/xara), 
escaping  from  the  body  ".^  Reitzenstein  believes 
that  various  expressions  in  the  poets  of  the 
period  indicate  a  quickening  of  the  religious 
sense  in  this  direction,  as,  e.g.,  Lucan,  Phars.y 
v.,  167,  168,  of  the  inspiration  of  the  Pythia : 
the  god,  who  takes  possession  of  her,  mentemque 
priorem  expvlit  atque  hominem  toto  sibi  cedere 
jussit  pectore  (*'  drove  out  her  former  inner  life 
and  bade  the  human  being  yield  to  him  whole- 
heartedly ").  Here  he  takes  mens  as  equal  to 
t^X^.  That  is  driven  out  and  replaced  by  the 
presence  of  the  god  himself,  so  that  for  the  time 
a  new  being  arises.^  To  such  instances  as  we 
have  quoted  Reitzenstein  adduces  parallels  from 
Paul,  more  especially  the  antithesis  between 
Tn/ev/xartKo?  and  i//vxt/cos.  On  the  basis  of  1  Cor- 
inthians ii.  6-iii.  4,  he  asserts  that  for  Paul  the 
xj/vxt'Kos  is  "man  pure  and  simple,"  the  wuevfia- 
TLKos  "  no  longer  man  at  all  ".  But  the  parallels 
are  irrelevant.      So   far  as   we  can   judge,   the 

1  See  Berthelot,  Les  alchimistes  grecs,  p.  109,  12,  cited  by 
Reitzenstein,  E.M.B.,  p.  141. 
'  H.M.B,,  ^.  150. 


148         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

"  pneumatic ''<5ondition  in  the  Mystery-literature 
seems  always  to  be  associated  with  states  of 
ecstasy.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Paul  regards 
the  TTvevfiaTLKos  as  having  in  any  sense  ceased  to 
be  true  man.  For  possession  of  the  Trpevixa  is 
in  Paul's  eyes  the  normal,  abiding  condition  of 
the  Christian.  Of  course  we  do  not  forget  his 
descriptions  of  special  "pneumatic"  experiences, 
such  as  glossolalia  and  prophecy.  We  know  the 
extraordinary  value  placed  upon  them  in  the 
early  Church,  as  represented  for  instance  by 
the  Christian  community  at  Corinth.  Probably 
this  was  mainly  due  to  their  "ecstatic"  char- 
acter, which  was  especially  manifest  in  the 
phenomenon  of  speaking  with  "  tongues  ".  The 
affinities  of  "prophecy  "  are  discernible  from  the 
fact  that  the  "prophets"  prepared  themselves 
for  revelations  by  seasons  of  fasting  and  prayer.^ 
But  by  Paul  they  are  always  subordinated  to 
the  permanent  "fruit"  of  the  Spirit,  "love,  joy, 
peace,  long-suffering,  gentleness,"  etc.  (Gal.  v. 
22  f.).  Nothing,  therefore,  could  be  more  irre- 
levant than  to  take  the  phrases  Kara  avOpoiirov 
(1  Cor.   iii.   3 :  "  whereas   there   is  among  you 

1  Gf.  Hermas,  Vis.,  il,  2  ;  and  see  H.  Achelis,  Das  Christen- 
tum  in  d,  drei  ersten  Jahrhunderten,  i.,  p.  91. 


MYSTEKY-TEKMINOLOGY  149 

jealousy  and  strife,  are  you  not  carnal,  and  do 
you  not  walk  after  the  manner  of  man  ? ")  and 
dvOpcoTTOL  (iii.  4 :  "  when  one  says,  I  am  of  Paul, 
and  another,  I  am  of  Apollos,  are  you  not  men  ?  ") 
as  Reitzenstein  does,  in  a  baldly  literal  sense.^ 
The  TrpevjjLaTLKOL  are  still  liable  to  temptations 
and  spiritual  perils  (Gal.  vi.  1  f.).  But  as  those 
who  possess  the  pledge  of  the  Spirit  (2  Cor.  v.  5) 
they  are  destined  for  the  eternal  life  of  God. 

3.  We  have  seen  that  in  one  or  two  instances 
Paul  adopts  from  the  LXX  a  use  of  vov<;  as 
virtually  equivalent  to  irvevfia.  Probably  this 
implies,  as  Reitzenstein  urges,  that  the  usage 
was  not  unfamiliar  to  the  Apostle  and  his 
readers.  It  would  be  unsafe  to  dogmatise, 
but  it  is  certainly  suggestive  to  find  that  in 
the  Hermetic  mystical  literature  vovs  often 
appears  to  be  a  synonym  for  npevfia.  Thus  in 
the  famous  Aoyo?  reXeto?,  extracted  by  Reit- 
zenstein from  the  Papyrus  Mimaut,^  thanks  are 
given  to  the  Highest  because  He  has  graciously 
bestowed  "spirit,  revelation,  and  knowledge" 
{vovp,  \6yovy  yvcocriv).  In  document  XII.  (XIII.) 
of  the  Hermetic  Corpus,  6  vovq  is  described  as 

iH.ilf.i2.,  p.  168. 

^See  ArcMvf.  Beligionswissenschafty  1904,  p.  393  ff. 


150         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

the  "soul"  (xl^vxyj)  of  God,  which  rules  over 
everything.!  This  conception  is  freely  used  in 
Poimandres.  Doubtless  it  began  with  markedly 
philosophical  affinities,^  but  it  has  filtered 
down  into  popular  religion.  Very  significant 
is  a  passage  in  the  Kparrfp  rj  Movds :  '*  All 
who  were  baptised  in  the  j/ous,  these  par- 
take of  yv(xi(Ti^  and  become  TeXeioi  avdpcoiroL, 
having  received  the  i/oOs"  (§  4)5  It  is  evi- 
dently a  Divine  gift.  We  may  compare  the 
Mithras-liturgy,  p.  4,  13 :  "in  order  that  I  may 
be  regenerated  by  v67)iMa"  which  we  are  almost 
bound  to  translate  by  "spirit".  It  lies  out- 
side our  present  purpose  to  deal  with  the 
intimate  connection  between  vov^  and  Xoyos,  the 
Thought  being  regarded  in  Hermetic  philo- 
sophical mythology  as  the  father  of  the  Word. 
But  the  hypothesis  maintained  by  Reitzenstein 
that  the  syncretistic  religion  of  Hellenistic  Egypt, 
as  embodied  in  the  Hermetic  Mystery-literature, 
had  really  become  the  religion  of  vovsj  not  in  the 
sense   of   "understanding,"  but  of  a  revealing 

1  Reitzenstein,  Poimandres,  p.  102,  note  1. 
'^  See,  e.g.y  Zielinski,  Archiv  f.  Beligionswissenscha/t,  1906, 
pp.  25  f.,  35,  56. 

^BeeH.M.B.,^.  165. 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  151 

deity,  receives  a  good  deal  of  corroboration 
from  the  documents  which  have  come  down  to 
us. 

Before  going  further,  let  us  try  to  ascertain 
the  positions  which  may  be  taken  as  estab- 
lished. Reitzenstein  has  certainly  shown  that  in 
documents  of  the  Hellenistic  Mystery-Religions 
TTvevfia  and  z/ov?  are  used  to  denote  the  Divine 
life  or  spirit  in  itself,  or  that  life  or  spirit  as 
imparted  to  those  who  fulfil  certain  religious 
conditions,  and  especially  some  prescribed  initia- 
tion. They  become,  in  short,  religious  terms.  It 
is  also  evident  that  a  distinction  can  now  be  drawn 
between  Tn/ev/xa  and  xjjvxv^  the  principle  of  Divine 
life  being  contrasted  with  that  of  merely  human. 
But  instances  are  exceedingly  uncommon,  and 
Reitzenstein  himself  admits  that  i/zi'X'V  has  been 
so  firmly  entrenched  as  the  antithesis  of  o-wfia 
that  it  could  with  difficulty  be  used  in  a  dis- 
paraging sense.  It  need  scarcely  be  observed 
that  the  usages  in  question  reveal  a  marked  de- 
parture from  the  ordinary  Greek  use  of  irvevixa 
or  vov^.  Reitzenstein  would  attribute  their  ap- 
pearance mainly  to  Oriental  influence,  a  realm 
in  which  a  man  like  Paul  would  easily  find 
himself  at  home.      But  the  instance  which  he 


152        ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

cites  from  Lucan  has  surely  distinct  affinities 
with  earlier  Hellenic  thought :  c/!,  e.g.,  JEsch., 
Prom.y  902  f.  :  efa>  Se  8/)d/iou  (jyepofiai  Xva-a-r)^ 
Tri/evfJLaTL  yidpyco,  where  the  *^  raging  spirit  of 
frenzy  "  is  the  visitation  of  a  god.  When  we 
remember  how  prevalent  was  the  conception  of 
the  €v0€o<;,  the  person  filled  with  the  god,  and 
recall  the  derivation  of  Trvevfxa  from  Tn^eo),  to 
''blow"  or  "breathe,"  it  seems  precarious  to 
restrict  the  emergence  of  such  ideas  to  a  period 
dominated  by  its  contact  with  Oriental  religions. 
One  question  should  here  perhaps  be  touched 
upon.  Reitzenstein,  Heitmliller  and  others  lay 
stress  on  the  notion  that  Paul,  like  his  Stoic 
contemporaries  and  the  devotees  of  the  Mystery- 
Keligions,  conceived  the  Trvevfjua  to  be  substance 
as  well  as  power.  Thus  in  the  Liturgy  of 
Mithra  one  of  the  instructions  runs  :  "Take  up 
your  stand  and  draw  the  Tn/eG/ia  from  the  Divine 
.  .  .  and  say.  Come  to  me,  O  Lord  "  (p.  10, 
23  ff.).  That  is  typical  of  the  Tn/eufia-conception 
in  Hellenistic  religious  literature.  Traces  of  a 
similar  "  animism  "  may  be  found  in  Hebrew 
thought.  But  there,  as  Volz  shows,  with  the 
ethical  deepening  of  religion  the  conception  of 
power  in  ruach  as  the  Spirit  of  God  comes  to 


MYSTEEY-TEKMINOLOGY  163 

overshadow  that  of  an  imparted  substance.^  It  is 
from  this  standpoint,  as  we  shall  discover,  that 
Paul's  thought  must  in  the  main  be  estimated. 
We  should  frankly  admit  that  the  processes  of 
ancient  psychology  are  so  far  removed  from  our 
habits  of  thought  that  it  is  unsafe  to  deny  the 
survival  of  realistic  notions  side  by  side  with 
such  profoundly  ethical  conceptions  as  those 
most  prominent  in  Paul's  use  of  nvevfia.  We 
must  recognise  that  he  lived  in  an  atmosphere  in 
which  everything  causal  was  regarded  as  sub- 
stantial, in  which  ''  force  "  and  "  body  "  consti- 
tuted no  antithesis.^  But  it  is  difficult  to  find 
unmistakable  traces  of  such  a  view  even  in  Paul's 
speculations  on  the  a-cjfjLa  TrvevixaTLKov.  If  his 
conception  of  irvevyia  was  highly  animistic,  he 
has  succeeded  even  there  in  concealing  it.  To 
interpret  1  Corinthians  vii.  14,  where  Paul  speaks 
of  an  unbelieving  husband  being  sanctified  by  his 
believing  wife,  as  referring  to  a  physical  process  by 
which  the  Trvevixa  is  transmitted  (so  Heitmiiller),^ 

^  See  Der  Geist  Gottes  im  A.T.,  pp.  76,  77. 

^  Cf.  Seneca,  Ep.^  106  :  quod  facit  corpus  est.  It  is  re- 
markable to  find  the  blending  of  these  ideas  in  recent  scientific 
speculation  on  matter  and  energy. 

3  Taufe  und  Abendmahl  bei  Paulus,  p.  19. 


154         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

is  grossly  to  caricature  the  Apostle's  entire 
meaning. 

In  view  of  these  conclusions,  we  must  now 
return  to  Reitzenstein's  original  inquiry  as  to 
whether  Paul's  use  of  the  terms  Trvevfiay  xjjvxn* 
vovs,  irvevfiaTLKos,  and  i/rv^t/cds  is  more  easily  ex- 
plained from  Hellenistic  religious  usage  or  from 
the  Old  Testament.  Our  examination  of  Reit- 
zenstein's  material  discloses  an  interesting  affinity 
between  conceptions  of  the  indwelling  Divine 
spirit  belonging  to  the  Mystery-Religions,  and 
Paul's  central  idea  of  the  gift  of  the  irvev^a.  But 
one  omission  is  noteworthy.  Nothing  adduced 
is  strictly  relevant  to  the  profoundly  ethical  con- 
trast which  Paul  draws  between  o-a/>f,  "  flesh " 
(not  crwjLta),  and  Tn/ev/ia,  ''  spirit  ".^  Further,  on 
Reitzenstein's  own  showing,  the  antithesis  be- 
tween TTveviia  and  i/zvxt?,  so  fundamental  for  Paul, 
is  exceedingly  rare,  inasmuch  as  i//vx>?  is  always 
apt  to  retain  its  significance  as  the  higher  part  of 
man,  in  opposition  to  crw/Aa. 

What  light  is  thrown  on  the  situation  by  the 
Old  Testament  ?  Practically  every  leading  con- 
ception in  this  sphere  of  Paul's  religious  thought 
may  be  said  to  have  its  roots  definitely  laid  in 

^This  may  be  asserted  even  in  the  face  of  Capelle's 
evidence  cited  on  p.  137,  note  1, 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  155 

that  soil.  In  a  number  of  Old  Testament  pas- 
sages hdsdr,  "flesh,"  like  many  of  the  physical 
organs  of  man  {e.g.,  liver,  kidneys),  has  a  psy- 
chical connotation  {e.g.  Job.  iv.  15  ;  Ps.  Ixxxiv.  2  ; 
Ezek.  xxxvi.  26)  :  and  "  in  an  important  group 
of  cases  '  flesh '  is  used  of  man,  or  man's  essential 
nature,  in  contrast  with  God,  or  with  '  spirit '  to 
emphasise  man's  frailty,  dependence,  or  inca- 
pacity "  (Isa.  xxxi.  3,  xl.  6  ;  Ps.  Ivi.  4  ;  Jer.  xvii.  5, 
etc.).^  Here  is  the  palpable  foundation  for  Paul's 
conception  of  o-a/of,  a  factor  which  he  had  dis- 
covered in  his  own  experience  as  making  for  evil, 
although  he  affords  no  evidence  for  the  hypo- 
thesis of  an  inherently  evil  matter.  This  o-apf, 
with  its  evil  affections,  can  be  overcome  by 
wvevfjia.  We  have  already  seen  that  for  Paul 
iTvevixa  in  an  overwhelming  number  of  instances 
means  the  Divine  gift  to  faith  in  Christ,  the 
indwelling  Spirit  of  God,  or  the  indwelling  Christ. 
Again  his  thought  links  on  directly  to  the  Old 
Testament.  There,  the  conception  of  the  ruach 
of  God,  developing  with  that  of  God  Himself, 
came  to  be  regarded  as  the  source  of  prophetic 
inspiration  (Ezek.  ii.  2),  the  instrument  of  Divine 
^  See  the  admirable  discussion  in  Prof.  Wheeler  Robinson's 
The  Christian  Doctrine  of  Man,  pp.  22-25,  a  work  to  which  we 
are  deeply  indebted  at  this  point. 


156         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

revelation  generally  (Zech.  vii.  12),  and,  most 
notably,  the  endowment  for  special  functions 
(Isa.  Ixi.  If.)  and  for  character  (Ps.  li.  11).  The 
Old  Testament  had  conceived  man's  relation  to 
God  *'  along  two  principal  lines,  namely,  that  of 
the  Spirit  of  God  as  acting  more  or  less  inter- 
mittently and  externally  upon  man,  and  that 
of  spiritual  fellowship  with  God,  which  sought 
realisation  in  many  ways  ".^  These  lines  con- 
verge in  Paul,  and  are  fused  together  through 
his  personal  experience  of  the  risen  Christ.  The 
relation  of  iri/evfia  to  ^^x^  ^^^  ^^  Tn^ev/x-artfcds  to 
xjfvxt'Kos  in  Paul  finds  its  direct  explanation  in 
Old  Testament  usage.  We  noted  that  occa- 
sionally the  Apostle  makes  no  apparent  distinc- 
tion between  the  Divine  irvevyLa  as  imparted,  and 
the  resultant  human  life  which  he  designates 
TTi/ev/ia,  e,g.y  Romans  vii.  10.  So  also  in  Ezekiel 
xi.  19,  XXX vi.  26,  no  line  of  cleavage  can  be 
drawn  between  the  Divine  and  the  (renewed) 
human  ruach? 

Of  special  interest  is  the  connection  of  Paul's 
terminology  with  the  relationships  of  ruach 
{TTPevfjLa  in  LXX)  and  nephesh  {y\ivxq  in  LXX) 

^  Wheeler  Robinson,  op,  cit.,  p.  125. 
^  See  Volz,  op.  cit.,  p.  76,  note  1. 


MYSTEKY-TEBMINOLOGY  157 

in  the  Old  Testament.  A  group  of  passages  in 
Paul  has  been  referred  to,  in  which  Trvev/ia  seems 
to  denote  the  inner  life  of  man,  apart  from  any 
emphasis  on  its  Divine  elements.  This  usage  has 
often  complicated  the  exegesis  of  the  Epistles, 
but  it  is  only  another  proof  of  Paul's  fidelity  to 
Old  Testament  terminology.  Aftor  the  Exile, 
ruach  encroaches  on  the  sphere  of  nephesh,  with 
which  it  has  always  been  akin,  and  comes  to 
denote  "  the  normal  breath-soul  as  the  principle 
of  life  in  man  "  ;  ^  see  especially  Isaiah  ^vucvi.  9  : 
'*  with  my  nephesh  I  desired  thee  in  the  night, 
yea,  with  my  ruach  within  me,  I  sought  long- 
ingly for  thee  "  ;  and  compare  the  exact  para'Jlel 
in  Psalm  Ixxvii.  2,  3  ("  my  nephesh  refused  to  he 
comforted.  I  remember  God,  and  am  disquieted  : 
I  complain  and  my  ruach  is  overwhelmed "). 
Finally,  the  use  of  nephesh  {xpvxn)  in  the  Old 
Testament  to  signify  the  life-principle  both  in  it-  V 
self  and  as  the  basis  of  individuality,  and  further 
in  connection  with  a  wide  range  of  states  of  con- 
sciousness (particularly  emotional),^  supplies  a 
luminous  background  (a)  for  Paul's  religious  use  N 
of  irvevfjia,  (b)  for  the  sharp  antithesis  between 

*  See  Wheeler  Robinson,  op.  ciL,  pp.  19,  110  f. 

*  Wheeler  Robinson,  op.  cit.j  pp.  16,  17. 


158         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

TTvevfjiaTLKos  and  i/zuxt/cd?,  which  rests  essentially 
on  normal  Old  Testament  usage. 

A  word  must  be  said  as  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment affinities  of  i^ous.  Following  Old  Testament 
practice,  Paul  frequently  uses  KapSCa  ( =  leb)^ 
"heart,"  as  a  more  or  less  general  descrip- 
tion of  the.  inner  life  of  man,  occasionally 
emphasising  its  emotional,  intellectual,  or  vo- 
litional character,  all  these  being  aspects  of 
leb  which  receive  separate  prominence  in  the 
Old  Testament  (e.g..  Judges  xviii.  20 ;  1  Kings 
iii.  9 ;,  1  Sam.  ii.  35).^  But  the  range  of  Kap- 
Sta  a,s  denoting  intellectual  activities  is  cur- 
tailed by  Paul's  employment  of  povs.  And  the 
existence  beside  it,  in  a  scarcely  distinguishable 
SiOnse,  of  the  term  a-weCSTja-L^y  which  belongs  to 
Greek  (popular)  philosophy,  may  suggest  that 
this  is  the  point  in  his  psychological  terminology 
at  which  Paul  was  chiefly  affected  by  contem- 
porary usage.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be 
observed,  as  Bonhoffer  has  pointed  out,^  that  the 
specifically  Christian  and  Jewish  use  of  avi/eC- 
BrjoTL^  in  the  sense  of  our  conception  of  "con- 
science" without  further  determination,  "has 
no  analogy  in  Stoicism,"  for  Stoic  thought  has 

1  See  Wheeler  Robinson,  op.  cit.,  p.  22. 

^Epiktet  u.  d.  Neue  Testament,  p.  157. 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  159 

no  idea  corresponding  to  the  notion  of  "a  per- 
sonal God  towards  whom  man  recognises  his 
responsibility  ".  Bohlig,  who  attempts  {Die 
Geisteskultur  von  Tarsos,  p.  123)  to  modify  this 
verdict,  is  obliged  after  all  to  admit  (p.  126)  that 
Paul  has  remoulded  the  idea  by  the  force  of  his 
religious  genius.^  As  we  have  seen,  his  employ- 
ment of  I/0U9  as  the  equivalent  of  irvevixa,  the 
phenomenon  singled  out  by  Eeitzenstein  in  this 
connection  for  comparison  with  the  Mystery- 
terminology,  depends  on  quotations  from  the 
LXX,  and  cannot  therefore  be  made  the  basis 
of  any  general  hypothesis. 

We  have  sought  to  prove  that  Paul's  re- 
ligious use  of  TTi/evfjLay  ^xVy  ^^^  cognate  terms, 
has  its  roots  in  the  soil  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Endowment  with  the  Spirit  was  never  lost  sight 
of,  even  in  the  most  barren  periods  of  Judaism. 
But  the  exuberance  of  religious  feeling  in  the 
early  Christian  community  brought  the  pheno- 
menon into  the  forefront  of  experience.  And 
one  of  Paul's  most  notable  spiritual  achieve- 
ments was  the  regulation  of  all  that  was  un- 
controlled in  these  manifestations,  in  order  that 
the  spiritual  energy  which  lay  behind  them  might 

^  An  admirable  note  on  the  history  of  the  term  avvei&rjari^ 
in  Norden,  Agnostos  Theos,  p.  136,  n.  1. 


160         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

be  conserved  for  the  edification  of  the  Church. 
Now  it  is  abundantly  clear  that  parallel  pheno- 
mena existed  in  the  ethnic  religions.  There  also 
the  TTveviMaTLKo^j  by  whatever  name  he  might  be 
called,  was  a  familiar  figure.  As  possessed  by 
the  god,  or  partaking  of  the  Divine  Trveviia  or 
vov%  he  too  burst  forth  into  mysterious  ejacula- 
tions and  rapt  utterances  of  the  kind  described 
in  the  New  Testament  as  yX(ucro-ats  \a\eiv.  The 
experience  is  as  widespread  as  the  sway  of  in- 
tense religious  feeling.  It  is  found  to  a  greater 
or  less  degree  in  all  revival  movements,  from 
Wales  to  the  hill-tribes  of  India,  and  reveals 
among  other  elements  the  influence  of  the  col- 
lective consciousness  of  the  crowd.  It  may  be 
difficult  to  determine  the  precise  sense  which 
Paul  or  his  readers  assigned  to  the  term  yXaxrcra, 
but  we  have  no  right  to  find  the  origin  of  the 
experience,  as  J.  Weiss  does,  "in  the  soil  of 
Hellenistic  ecstasy  and  mysticism ".  Nor  are 
the  later  instances  of  it  due  to  "  suggestion  "  from 
the  Biblical  narratives.^  It  belongs  to  the  very 
essence  of  spiritual  ferment.  Its  psycholo- 
gical significance,  up  to  a  certain  point,  can  be 
analysed.  But  here  as  elsewhere  the  tree  is 
1  Erster  Kor. -Brief  {Meyer »),  p.  339. 


MYSTERY-TERMINOLOGY  161 

known  by  its  fruit.     The  one  criterion  of  religious 
ferment  is  its  ethical  productivity. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Paul  himself 
distinctly  recognises  the  existence  of  such  ex- 
periences in  his  pagan  environment,  experiences 
belonging  to  the  sphere  of  the  Mystery-Religions. 
In  the  difficult  passage  (1  Cor.  xii.  1  if.)  in 
which  he  introduces  his  discussion  of  nvev^aTLKoi 
(or  TTvevfiaTLKa)  he  refers  to  ecstatic  conditions 
known  to  his  readers  in  their  pre-Christian 
days,  and  supplies  a  test  (ver.  3)  for  distinguish- 
ing these  from  their  new  Christian  enthusiasm. 
And  then  among  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit,  he 
specifies  that  of  Sta/cpicrets  TrvevfxdrcoVf  the  power 
of  discerning  between  the  Spirit  of  the  true  God, 
the  Holy  Spirit,  and  other  spiritual  manifesta- 
tions of  an  ecstatic  kind  which  he  regards  as 
having  no  moral  value.  In  the  same  paragraph 
he  singles  out  an  important  endowment  of  the 
Spirit,  the  \6yos  yvcooreo)^  or  "word  of  know- 
ledge," which  he  classifies  with  such  gifts  as 
faith,  power  to  heal,  prophecy,  glossolalia,  and 
others.  The  salient  fact  about  yvcjons  for  our 
purpose  is  its  prominence  in  the  terminology  of 
the  Mystery-Religions. 

No  better  illustration  of  the  meaning  of  yvwo-Ls 

11 


162         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

in  the  Hermetic  Mystery-literature  could  be 
given  than  that  contained  in  the  closing  prayer 
of  the  Adyo9  reXeto?  of  the  Papyrus  Mimaut,  the 
Greek  text  of  which  has  been  reconstructed  by 
Reitzenstein  with  the  help  of  the  very  valuable 
Latin  translation  found  in  the  Asclepius  of 
Pseudo-Apuleius/  Here  the  worshippers  give 
thanks  to  the  Highest  that  by  his  grace  they 
have  received  "  the  light  of  knowledge  ".  This 
yi/wcrts  has  been  bestowed  upon  them  "  in  order 
that  knowing  thee  truly  (iTnyvoi/Te^)  we  may 
rejoice".  Then  the  prayer  proceeds:  "Hav- 
ing been  saved  by  thee,  we  rejoice  that  thou 
didst  reveal  thyself  to  us  wholly,  we  rejoice 
that  while  in  our  bodies  thou  didst  deify  us 
by  the  sight  of  thyself  ".  After  further  thanks- 
giving comes  the  closing  petition  :  "  Having 
thus  worshipped  thee,  we  have  made  no  request 
of  thy  goodness  (?)  but  this  :  be  pleased  to  keep 
us  in  the  knowledge  (yi/wo-ts)  of  thee :  hear  our 
supplication  that  we  should  not  fall  away  from 
this  manner  of  life  ".     With  this  may  be  com- 

^  See  Reitzenstein  in  Archivf.  Beligionswissenschaft,  1904, 
pp.  393-397;  H.M.B.,  pp.  113,  114.  The  papyrus  probably 
belongs  to  the  third  century  a.d.,  but  the  condition  of  the 
text  suggests  that  it  goes  back  to  a  much  earlier  original. 


MYSTERY-TERMINOLOGY  163 

pared  the  concluding  prayer  in  Poimandres,  32 
(ed.  Reitz.,  p.  338):  "Listen  to  me  when  I 
pray  that  I  may  not  fall  away  from  knowledge 
.  .  .  and  strengthen  me  and  [fill  me]  with  this 
grace  that  I  may  enlighten  ((^wrto-w)  those  in 
ignorance ".  It  is  plain  from  the  connection  of 
sentences  in  the  first  of  these  extracts  that 
yvo}(Ti^  means  that  apprehension  of  God  which 
results  in  salvation  or,  in  its  more  concentrated 
description,  deification.  This  is  made  quite  clear 
by  a  remarkable  sentence  in  Poimandres,  §  26 
(ed.  Reitz.,  p.  336):  '*This  is  the  blessed  issue 
for  those  who  have  attained  yi/oicrt?,  to  be  deified 
(OecodrjvaL)  ".  Hence  it  may  be  said  that  yvcoo-L^ 
in  the  Hermetic  Mystery-religion  is  the  direct 
pathway  to  the  highest  point  which  can  be 
reached  by  the  initiate.  It  is  essentially  a 
supernatural  gift,  not  to  be  attained  by  any 
mere  process  of  intellectual  reflection.  Its  as- 
sociations in  the  Hermetic  literature  are  very 
significant.  In  Corp.  Hermet,,  ix.  (x.),  4,  evo-eySeia, 
piety,  is  defined  as  yvoy(Ti%  tov  Otov,  In  xiii. 
(xiv.),  8,  the  coming  of  yvui(ji%  is  accompanied  by 
the  impartation  of  the  "powers"  of  God.  So, 
when  in  the  hymn  of  regeneration  the  initiate 
calls  on  these  Svi/a/xcZs  to  join  in  the  praise  he 


164         ST.  PAULAS  BELATION  TO  THE 

offers,  he  appeals  to  yvmcri'i  ayia  as  the  source 
of  his  illumination  (xiii.  18).  Akin  to  this  con- 
ception is  that  of  efovo-ta,  which  belongs  to  the 
man  endowed  with  yvcoa-i^;,  and  enables  him  to 
become  holy  like  God  [Poim.,  §  32).  Now  the 
term  i^ovo-Ca  is  used  in  magical  literature  for  the 
supernatural  power  which  depends  on  a  super- 
natural knowledge.^  And  so  we  need  not  be 
surprised  to  find  yvajcn^  itself  appearing  in 
magical  formulae.  Thus  a  magician  in  suppli- 
cating the  god  whose  powers  he  desires  to  have 
at  his  command,  says :  ''I  am  he  to  whom  .  .  . 
thou  didst  grant  the  ypoia-Ls  of  thy  mighty  name, 
which  I  shall  keep  secret,  sharing  it  with  no 
one".^  Occasionally  ypcocn^  is  associated  with 
cosmological  mysticism,  and  seems  to  be  attained 
by  the  ascent  of  the  soul  through  the  elements. ^ 

^  See  Reitzenstein,  H.M.B.y  p.  183 ;  Poimandres,  p.  48, 
note  3.  It  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  Paul's  use  of  i^ova-ia 
(as,  e.g.,  in  1  Kor.  viii.  9,  ix.  3)  is  to  be  explained  from  this  at- 
mosphere, as  Reitzenstein  suggests.  The  passage  which  he 
cites  from  Porphyrius  {de  AbsL,  i.,  41,  42)  can  scarcely  be 
regarded  as  valid  evidence  (Z.  f.  N.  T.  Wiss.,  1912,  i.,  19-21). 

3  Quoted  by  Reitzenstein  from  a  Leiden  Papyrus  published 
by  Dieterich  ( Ja/tr6. /.  Mass.  Phil,  Suppl.,  xvi.,  p.  799,1.  19), 
H.M.B.,  p.  123. 

^  H.M.E.,  p.  121. 


MYSTEEY-TEBMINOLOGY  166 

This  is  its  more  philosophical  aspect,  which 
came  to  be  accentuated  in  the  speculations  of 
Christian  Gnosticism. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  emphasis  is  laid  upon 
the  converse  of  yi/wo-t?,  ayvcja-Ca,  Thus  in  Poi- 
mandres,  §  27,  an  appeal  is  made  to  ''  earth-born  " 
men,  "  who  have  given  themselves  over  to 
drunkenness  and  slumber  and  to  ayvoio-ia  toO 
Oeov"  to  be  sober  (i/T^'i/zare)  and  to  cease  from 
debauchery  and  the  spell  of  unthinking  sleep.  It 
is  inevitable  that  with  this  we  should  compare 
1  Corinthians  xv.  34  :  "  Awake  to  soberness 
(c/cj/r/i/zare)  righteously  and  sin  not  :  for  some 
have  wilful  ignorance  of  God  ".  Keitzenstein, 
who  aptly  observes  that  ayi/wcrta,  both  in  Poi- 
mandres  and  in  1  Corinthians,  is  a  positive  rather 
than  a  negative  conception,  infers  from  PauFs 
use  of  the  term  in  the  same  context  with  the 
exhortation  to  be  sober,  that  he  must  here 
depend  on  the  ideas  of  Hellenistic  mysticism 
because  dy^coo-ta  and  vri<i>€Lv  occur  together  in  a 
single  section  of  Poimandres,  But  there  is 
nothing  extraordinary  in  Paul's  juxtaposition 
of  the  two  words.  There  is  indeed  a  very  close 
parallel  in  1  Thessalonians  v.  4  ff.  :  ''  You, 
brethren,  are  not  in  darkness,  that  that  day 
should    overtake    you    as   a   thief  .  .  .  Let   us 


166         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

therefore  not  sleep,  as  do  the  rest,  but  let  us 
watch  and  be  sober.  For  they  that  sleep  sleep 
by  night,  and  they  that  are  drunken  are  drunken 
by  night.  But  let  us,  who  are  of  the  day,  be 
sober."  Although  the  term  ayucjcria  is  not  found 
here,  the  same  idea  of  ignorance  is  expressed  by 
cTKOTo^j  darkness,  and  combined  with  the  meta- 
phor of  drunkenness.  Further,  dyi/wcrta  occurs 
in  Wisdom  of  Solomon  xiii.  1,  in  precisely  the 
sense  which  Paul  gives  to  it,  and  in  a  context 
with  which  he  shows  many  points  of  contact 
in  Romans  i.  18-32  :  ''  Being  punished  in  these 
creatures  which  they  supposed  to  be  gods,  they 
saw  and  recognised  as  the  true  God  him  whom 
before  they  refused  to  know  :  wherefore  also  the 
last  end  of  condemnation  came  upon  them.  For 
verily  all  men  by  nature  are  vain,  who  had  wilful 
ignorance  (dyi/oxria)  of  God,  and  from  the  good 
things  that  are  seen  were  not  able  to  know  him 
that  is"  (Wisd.  xii.  27-xiii.  1).  The  term  ap- 
pears to  be  similarly  used  in  1  Peter  ii.  15,  where 
Christians  are  reminded  that  it  is  by  their  high 
standard  of  conduct  that  they  can  bridle  the  wil- 
ful ignorance  (dyj/wcria)  of  senseless  men.  Here 
there  is  certainly  implied  a  distinct  prejudice 
which  they  have  to  live  down.  Reitzenstein 
quotes,  as  illustrating  the  condition  or  period  of 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  167 

oiyvoicrla,  a  passage  from  a  doctrinal  treatise  of 
the  Ophite  sect  of  the  Peratse,  preserved  by 
Hippolytus,  which  begins  :  cyw  (^(ovt)  i^Trvia-fiov 
iv  T(o  alcovL  Trj<;  vvkto^;  (''I  am  the  voice  of  awak- 
ing from  sleep  in  the  aeon  of  the  night ").  We 
venture  to  believe  that  this  Gnostic  passage  and 
also  that  which  is  so  closely  akin  to  it  in  Poi- 
mandres  are  directly  coloured  by  the  Pauline 
sayings  to  which  we  have  referred.  This 
appears  to  us  to  be  one  of  the  many  places  in 
which  the  Hermetic  literature  reveals  the  in- 
fluence of  a  semi-Christian  Gnosticism  which  was 
thoroughly  at  home  in  the  Pauline  Epistles.^ 

The  brief  conspectus  of  evidence  presented 
suffices  to  indicate  that  in  this  literature  yvcoa-L'^ 
belongs  to  the  same  circle  of  ideas  as  Trvevfia 
and  vovs.  Perhaps  Reitzenstein  does  not  exag- 
gerate in  saying  that  ypoxn^  Oeov  as  an  influence 
which  transforms  into  iruev^xa  is  a  fundamental 
conception  in  the  phase  of  religion  under  review.^ 

On  the  strength  of  the  affinities  between  Paul 
and  the  Mystery-Religions  in  the  "pneumatic" 

1  See  also  Krebs,  ojp,  cit.,  p.  147.  Norden  (Agnostos  Theos, 
pp.  5,  6)  would  associate  the  theme  of  dyvu>aia  with  a  stereo- 
typed form  of  missionary  discourse  belonging  to  Hellenistic 
religion.  But  much  of  his  argument  seems  a  begging  of  the 
question.  2  H.M.B.,  p.  133. 


168         ST.  PAUL'S  BELATION  TO  THE 

group  of  ideas,  Reitzenstein  finds  the  clue  to 
the  Apostle's  use  of  yvScn^  in  the  influence  of 
Mystery-conceptions.  The  term  is  used  with 
considerable  elasticity  in  the  Epistles,  but  cer- 
tain fixed  ideas  lie  in  the  background.  Paul 
undoubtedly  regards  y^wo-ts  as  a  supernatural 
Xapior/xa.  Thus  in  1  Corinthians  xii.  8,  where 
it  IS  grouped  with  ivepyijfJLara  Swdfiecov,  '7Tpo(l)r)TeLay 
and  other  ''  gifts  ".  Its  connection  indeed  with 
7rpo(l)rjT€La  is  specially  intimate,  e.g.,  1  Corin- 
thians xiii.  2  :  ''If  I  have  prophecy  and  know 
all  fjLvo-TTJpia  and  all  yz^ojo-c?,"  and  verses  8  and  9, 
where,  in  contrast  to  love,  yi/wcrts,  TTpo<^y)relai, 
and  yXcucrcrat  are  described  as  vanishing,  in  view 
of  a  complete  yvcoai^  which  is  to  come.  ''  Know- 
ledge," therefore,  in  Paul's  view,  is  the  result  of 
possessing  the  Divine  Trv^viia.  In  passages  like 
Romans  ii.  20,  "  having  the  outline  of  knowledge 
and  truth  in  the  law,"  yvcoai^  may  appear  to  have 
a  more  general  sense,  but  we  are  inclined  to 
agree  with  Reitzenstein  that  for  Paul  it  never 
means  merely  ''  rational  knowledge  ".^  A  most 
suggestive  glimpse  of  the  Apostle's  conception  is 
afforded  by  1  Corinthians  viii.  1-3.  In  consulting 
Paul  about  their  conduct  with  regard  to  flesh 
which  has  been  offered  to  idols,  the  "  stronger  " 
'  H.M.B.,  p.  126. 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  169 

Christians  at  Corinth  assert  the  claim  :  **  We  all 
have  yvoiCL^  ".  Obviously  they  mean  the  applica- 
tion of  that  yi/a>o-i9  which  they  possess,  as  having 
the  iTv^v^ia,  to  this  special  case,  and  the  words  have 
a  tone  of  contempt  for  the  "  weaker  "  brethren. 
Paul,  as  in  chapter  xiii.,  subordinates  "know- 
ledge "  to  love/  And  then  come  the  important 
words  :  "  If  any  one  presume  to  have  attained 
a  measure  of  knowledge,  he  has  not  yet  come  to 
know  in  the  manner  in  which  he  ought.  But  if 
a  man  love  God,  he  is  known  by  him."  Here  is 
a  surprising  turn  of  thought.  Love  is  the  con- 
dition of  mutual  understanding  between  God  and 
man.  And  clearly  such  an  understanding  means 
far  more  than  intellectual  comprehension  :  it  is 
really  fellowship  of  spirit.  The  same  sense  of 
yvo)(Ti^  appears  in  1  Corinthians  xiii.  12  :  ''At 
present  I  know  partially,  but  then  I  shall  know 
completely  as  already  I  am  completely  known 
(i,e.,  by  God)  ".  Galatians  iv.  9  is  parallel  :  ''  But 
now  having  come  to  know  God,  or  rather  having 
been  known  by  God,  how  do  you  turn  again  to 
the  weak  and  beggarly  elemental  spirits  ?  "  Keit- 
zenstein  has  omitted  to  notice  the  most  important 
passage  of  all,  Philippians  iii.  8-10  :  "  I  count 
1  In  chap.  xiii.  all  manner  of  spiritual  xa/aiV/xara  are  simi- 
larly made  subordinate. 


170         ST.  PAUL'S  BELATION  TO  THE 

all  things  but  loss  on  account  of  the  surpassing 
worth  of  the  yvcoons  of  Christ  Jesus  my  Lord  .  .  . 
that  I  may  win  Christ  and  be  found  in  him  .  .  . 
in  order  to  know  {ypcoi/ai)  him  and  the  power  of 
his  resurrection  and  the  fellowship  of  his  suffer- 
ings ...  if  haply  I  may  attain  to  the  resurrec- 
tion from  the  dead  ".  Plainly  yvtoan^  and  yvcovat 
here  refer  to  the  most  intimate  fellowship  con- 
ceivable between  the  soul  and  Christ.  We  may 
compare  with  these  passages  Cm^p.  HermeL,  x.,  15  : 
"  For  God  does  not  ignore  man,  but  thoroughly 
knows  {yvcopLCei)  and  desires  to  be  known  by 
him.  For  this  alone  is  salvation  for  man,  the 
yvcjcTL^  of  God."  While  yz^wcrts  in  Paul,  as  in  the 
Mystery-literature,  is  repeatedly  emphasised  on 
its  intellectual  side,  its  inherently  religious  sig- 
nificance is  quite  obvious.^  Hence  the  question 
arises  :  Was  PauFs  use  of  yvaxris  shaped  by  the 
Mystery-terminology,  or  can  we  trace  it  back  to 
a  strain  of  thought  in  the  Old  Testament  ? 

In  chapter  ii.  we  pointed  out  that  for  the 
^  Norden  has  collected  a  large  amount  of  valuable  material 
to  show  the  central  place  of  yyCxns  in  Hellenistic  tradition,  as 
denoting  a  religious  experience  rather  than  an  intellectual 
process.  This  significance  he  assigns  to  the  influence  of  the 
East  (Agnostos  Theos,  pp.  95-109).  But  his  conclusions  are 
not  all  equally  valid  (see  Bousset  and  Pohlenz  in  Theol.  L.Z., 
1913,  7,  sp.  195). 


MYSTEBY-TEBMINOLOGY  171 

prophets  the  "  knowledge  of  God  "  was  something 
experimental,  a  revelation  of  God  in  the  inner 
being.  Thus,  in  Hosea  ii.  20  :  ''I  will  betroth  thee 
unto  me  in  faithfulness,  and  thou  shalt  truly 
know  {iTTLyvaxTT))  the  Lord"  {cf.  v.  4);^  Isaiah 
xi.  2 :  ''  The  spirit  of  the  Lord  shall  rest  upon 
him,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  understanding,  the 
spirit  of  counsel  and  might,  the  spirit  of  know- 
ledge (LXX,  ypcjcr€0}<;)  and  of  godly  fear  (cuo-c- 
ySetas)  ".  Cf.  Proverbs  ii.  5  :  ''  Then  shalt  thou 
understand  the  fear  of  the  Lord  [virtually  = 
piety,  ev(T€/^€La\  and  find  the  knowledge  (cTrtyi^cjo-ti/) 
of  God,"  where  the  parallel  clauses  describe 
a  practical  relationship  to  God.  These  and 
other  instances  suggest  a  close  affinity  between 
the  Old  Testament  conception  and  that  of  Hel- 
lenistic religion.  In  view  of  Paul's  intimate 
connection  with  the  prophetic  thought  it  is 
scarcely  possible  to  doubt  that  his  use  of  yvcoa-vs 
is  affected  by  the  rtp)  n^^_  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. But  it  seems  equally  certain  that  in 
employing  the  term  and  the  idea  it  embodies, 
he  presupposed  his  hearers'  acquaintance  with 
these   through   the    medium   of    the    Mystery- 

^  Is  it  possible  that  this  intwiate  significance  of  y-^>  may 
be  the  spiritual  expansion  of  the  earlier  sexual  application  of 
the  term?     Cf.  1  Cor.  vi.  15-17. 


172         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

Religions,  and  at  least  to  some  extent  adopted 
the  current  usage/ 

There  are  several  noteworthy  utterances  in 
which  Paul  hints  at  a  direct  relationship  be- 
tween yvcocTLs  and  d7ro/ca\vi//t9,  "  revelation  ".  In 
1  Corinthians  xiv.  6  glossolalia  is  said  to  be  un- 
profitable unless  accompanied  by  aTro/caXvi/zt?  or 
yvoio-i^  or  Trpo(j>7)Teia  or  StSax-^.  In  verses  29,  30, 
the  TTpo^ririq^  appears  as  the  recipient  of  airoKa- 
\v\\fei^.  In  Ephesians  i.  17  he  prays  that  God 
may  grant  his  readers  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and 
dTTOKdXvxjjLs  in  the  full  knowledge  {iiTLyvcjcreL)  of 
Him.^  Obviously  dTro/caXui/ft?  signifies  for  the 
Apostle  a  special  Divine  communication  of 
spiritual  truth,  the  illumining  by  the  irvevixa  of 
some  matters  of  spiritual  moment,^  and  it  de- 
pends on  fellowship  with  God  in  Christ.  Now 
Paul  himself  closely  associates  aTro/caXui/zet?  with 

1  See  further  an  admirable  excursus  on  1  Corinthians  xii. 
10,  by  J.  Weiss  (Meyer^),  and  Lietzmann's  note  on  1 
Corinthians  viii.  3. 

^Dr.  Armitage  Eobinson,  as  against  Lightfoot,  Hatch, 
and  others,  endeavours  to  prove  that  eVtyvwcri?  is  not  an 
intensified  yj/wo-is,  but  rather  means  "  knov?ledge  directed 
tov^ards  a  particular  object"  (Comm,  on  Ephes.,  pp.  248- 
254).     But  his  arguments  are  unconvincing. 

3  Cf.  Galatians  i.  12,  ii.  2  ;  Ephesians  iii.  2. 


MYSTEEY-TERMINOLOGY  173 

owTao-iai  "visions,"  in  2 Corinthians  xii.  1.  And 
the  description  there  given  furnishes  a  definite 
instance  of  an  experience  which  is  appealed  to 
as  a  proof  of  his  inherent  sympathy  with  the 
phenomena  of  the  Mystery-cults.  The  breath- 
lessness  and  brokenness  of  the  sentences  reflect 
the  intense  emotion  with  which  Paul  defends 
himself  against  unscrupulous  opponents.  But 
an  unprejudiced  exegesis  of  2  Corinthians  xii. 
1-5  must  conclude  that  this  was  an  experience 
in  which  the  Apostle  gloried  (vers.  1,  5),  and 
which  he  regarded  as  a  momentous  event  in 
his  spiritual  history.  The  abrupt  fashion  in 
which  he  breaks  off  his  narrative,  combined 
with  the  plurals  used  in  verse  1,  suggests  that 
he  could  have  recounted  other  occunences  of  the 
same  kind.  The  motive  of  his  reticence  is  clear 
from  verse  6  :  "  I  hold  back  {i.e.,  from  dwelling 
on  experiences  of  this  kind),  lest  any  one  should 
place  to  my  credit  anything  beyond  what  he  sees 
me  to  be  or  hears  from  me  ".  "  His  authority 
must  not  rest  on  any  trafficking  in  mysteries 
which  cannot  be  controlled,  but  only  on  that 
which  the  Corinthians  can  see  and  hear — namely, 
the  'weakness'  of  Paul,  i.e.,  his  sufferings  for 
Christ's  sake   and   the   courage  with   which  he 


174         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

faces  them  "  (Lietzm.,  ad  loc).  The  occurrence 
described  evidently  belongs  to  the  "ecstatic" 
type.  It  is  dated  exactly  '*  fourteen  years 
ago,"  like  the  analogous  events  in  the  lives  of 
Old  Testament  prophets.^  It  was  a  time  of 
spiritual  crisis  for  Paul,  apparently  some  seven 
years  after  his  conversion.  The  main  details  of 
the  description  are  characteristic  of  Jewish  Apoca- 
lyptic. In  the  original  recension  of  the  Testa- 
ment of  Levi  (ii.  9,  10,  iii.  1,  4,  ed.  Charles),  God 
dwells  in  the  third  heaven,  and  there  Slavonic 
Enoch  (ch.  viii.)  places  Paradise.  The  narrative 
as  a  whole  is  closely  parallel  to  accounts  of  the 
ascent  of  the  soul  to  heaven  in  Hellenistic 
Mystery-Religions,^  in  Jewish  Apocalypses,  in 
Rabbinic  mysticism,  in  Philo,  Plotinus,  Suso,^ 
and  later  mystics.  Suso's  account  of  his  ecstasy 
is  peculiarly  suggestive.  "  Being  there  alone,  and 
devoid  of  all  consolations — no  one  by  his  side, 
no  one  near  him — of  a  sudden  his  soul  was  rapt 
in  his  body  or  out  of  his  body.     Then  did  he  see 

^  Cf.  Isaiah  vi.  1 ;  Jeremiah  i.  1 ;  Ezekiel  i.  1. 

'An  excellent  summary  in  Wendland's  Die  hellemstisch- 
romische  KuUur,  ed.  2  (much  enlarged  and  completely 
revised),  1912,  pp.  170-176. 

2  See  especially  E.  Underbill,  Mysticism,  pp.  225-227. 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  175 

and  hear  that  which  no  tongue  can  express. 
That  which  the  Servitor  [his  description  of  him- 
self] saw  had  no  form  neither  any  manner  of 
being ;  yet  he  had  of  it  a  joy  such  as  he  might 
have  known  in  the  seeing  of  the  shapes  and 
substances  of  all  joyful  things.  .  .  .  This  ecstasy 
lasted  from  half  an  hour  to  an  hour,  and  whether 
his  soul  was  in  the  body  or  out  of  the  body  he 
could  not  tell.  But  when  he  came  to  his  senses 
it  seemed  to  him  that  he  returned  from  another 
world."  ^  We  noted  in  an  earlier  chapter  the 
ecstatic  accompaniments  of  Ezekiel's  prophetic 
work,  and  corresponding  conditions  in  Judaism.^ 
*' Mystics  of  all  ages,"  says  Miss  Underbill, 
''have  agreed  in  regarding  such  ecstasy  as  an 
exceptionally  favourable  state  :  the  one  in  which 
man's  spirit  is  caught  up  to  its  most  immediate 
vision  of  the  Divine.  .  .  .  Clearly  this  appre- 
hension will  vary  with  the  place  of  the  subject 
in  the  spiritual  scale.  The  ecstasy  is  simply  the 
psycho-physical  agent  by  which  it  is  obtained."  ^ 

^  Mysticism,  p.  226. 

^  Similar  states  are  recorded  of  themselves  by  such  sober 
geniuses  as  Wordsworth  and  Tennyson.  See  Inge,  Christian 
Mysticism,  p.  14. 

^Mysticism,  p.  428.  See  the  very  valuable  examination 
of  ecstasy  on  pp.  427-452. 


176         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

It  is  futile  to  regard  such  phenomena  as  pure 
hallucinations.  But  their  worth  can  only  be 
tested  by  the  effect  produced  upon  the  spiritual 
life  and  activity  of  their  subjects.  St.  Paul  has 
nothing  to  fear  from  the  application  of  such  a 
test. 

In  the  light  of  established  facts,  it  is  evident 
that  no  conclusions  can  be  drawn  as  to  the 
Apostle's  relation  to  the  Mystery-Religions  on 
the  strength  of  his  ecstatic  experiences.  Yet  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  these  would  afford  him 
important  points  of  contact  with  men  and  women 
who  had  grown  up  in  the  atmosphere  of  mystic 
cults.  The  peculiar  sensitiveness  of  tempera- 
ment which  made  the  great  missionary  "  theo- 
pathetic  "  in  this  special  sense  was  an  integral 
part  of  his  equipment  for  the  work  to  which  he 
was  consecrated.  We  need  not  dwell  on  Paul's 
further  reference  to  ecstasy  in  2  Corinthians  v. 
13  :  €LT€  yap  i^eo'Trjfxei/f  Oeco  •  cire  croi^povovyiev^ 
vfjLLv  {"  if  we  were  out  of  our  senses  it  was  to 
God  :  if  we  have  self-control  it  is  for  you "). 
Here,  as  in  chapter  xii.,  he  will  make  no  boast  of 
his  experiences  of  ecstasy.  These  were,  like  the 
glossolalia  (1  Cor.  xiv.  2,  "  He  that  speaks  with 
a  tongue  speaks  not  to   man  but  to  God"),  a 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  177 

matter  between  him  and  God.  His  ordinary 
disciplined  life  is  what  concerns  them,  and  with 
that  he  is  not  afraid  to  confront  his  enemies,  for 
it  has  been  absorbed  in  the  faithful  preaching  of 
the  Gospel/  It  is  illegitimate  for  Reitzenstein 
to  connect  iKcrTrjvat  and  (T(o(f)poveLv  directly 
with  iKSr}ixovvTe<;  and  ipSrjfjLovvTe<;  of  verse  9,  as 
if  there  were  any  indication  in  his  writings  that 
the  Apostle  equates  the  condition  of  ecstasy  with 
death  (a  notion  which  Reitzenstein  finds  in  Hel- 
lenistic religious  literature),  and  then,  on  the 
basis  of  this  assumption,  to  infer  that  o-ax^poj/et^ 
has  the  significance  of  "  living  on  earth  ".  Nor 
is  it  admissible  to  translate  verse  13  as  Reit- 
zenstein does  :  "  our  ecstasies  occurred  and  still 
occur  for  God,  are  a  service  to  Him,  a  cult ". 
This  expansion  is  foisted  upon  the  text  in  order 
to  find  a  mystery-conception  in  Paul.^  There  is 
no  trace  of  such  a  notion  in  his  words. 

As  we  propose  in  our  next  chapter  to  discuss 
the  two  central  doctrines  of  the  Mystery-Re- 
Hgions,  regeneration  and  communion  with  the 
Divine,  we  must  defer  till  then  our  examina- 

^  See  Heinrici's  admirable  notes  ad  loc.     <Tui<f>povi1v  is  the 
technical  antithesis  to  eKo-riJvat.     The  evidence  in  Heinrici. 
^Rilf.i?.,  p.  193, 

12 


178         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

tion    of    avayevvacrdaL^  TrakLyyevecria,   cro)T7]pLa,   iv 
Xpia-Tco  dvai,  and  cognate  expressions.      Mean- 
while we   shall   consider    certain   terms    which 
indeed  touch  these  doctrines,  but  admit  of  sepa- 
rate treatment.      It  has  already  been  indicated 
that  for  the  Mystery-cults  yvoio-i^  was  the  path- 
way to  a  transformation  finally  resulting  in  deifi- 
cation.    From  Coi'p.  Hermet.,  x.,  4,  we  learn  that 
when  the  knowledge  and  vision  (yj^wo-t?  /cat  d^a) 
of  the  Divine  light  is  attained,  all  the  bodily  senses 
are  lulled  into  silence.     The  initiate  is  oblivious 
of  all  bodily  perceptions  and  movements.     That 
which  is  beheld  illumines  the  whole  inner  life, 
drawing  the  soul  out  from  the  body  and  trans- 
forming {fi€Ta^d\\€Lv)  it  into  ova-Ca  ("  the  Divine 
or  supra-sensible,"  Reitzenstein).    "  For  it  is  im- 
possible that  the  soul  which  has  contemplated 
the  beauty  of  the  good  should  be  deified  eV  o-w/xart 
dvdpcoTTov.''     Compare  the  direction  given  in  the 
Liturgy  of  Mithra  (p.  14,  26  if.)  :  "  Gaze  upon 
the  God  .  .  .  and  greet  him  thus  :  *  Hail,  Lord, 
ruler  of  the  water  .  .  .  potentate  of  the  spirit. 
Born  again,  I  depart,  being  exalted  :  and  having 
been   exalted   I   die  :   born   through   that  birth 
which  gives  life,  dissolved  into  death,  I  go  the 
way  which  thou   hast   appointed.' "     Here  the 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  179 

transformation  is  compared  to  dying.  In  a  magi- 
cal papyrus  ^  the  following  occurs  :  "  I  was  united 
with  thy  sacred  form  {fjLop(f)rj),  I  was  strengthened 
by  thy  holy  name  ".  The  new  fJiop<f>7]  appears 
as  the  consequence  of  initiation.  Reitzenstein 
refers  to  a  remarkable  passage  in  Seneca  (Ep. 
vi.  1),  where  he  tells  his  friend  Lucilius  that  he 
is  not  only  improved  {emendari)  but  transformed 
(ti-ansjigurari),  and  speaks  of  the  sudden  change. 
For  Seneca,  this  of  course  means  an  inward  ex- 
perience.^ But  Reitzenstein  believes  that  the 
metaphor  is  derived  from  the  terminology  of  the 
Mystery-Religions,  perhaps  through  Posidonius. 
We  are  unable  to  see  the  relevance  of  the  paral- 
lels which  Reitzenstein  finds  in  the  use  of  re- 
formare  and  reformatio  in  the  initiation-experience 
of  Lucius  (ApuL,  Metamorph.,  xi.,  16,  27),  for 
these  surely  refer  to  his  restoration  to  human 
form.^      But  it  is  pertinent  to  note  certain  ex- 

^  Wessely,  Zauberpap.,  i.,  p.  48,  1.  179  ff.  ;  quoted  by 
Reitzenstein,  HM.B.,  p.  69. 

2  See  Wendland,  Die  hellenistisch-romische  Kultur,'^  p.  85, 
note  4. 

^  H.M.B.,  p.  105.  Possibly  there  may  be  some  cogency  in 
Apul.,  Metamorph.,  xi.,  30  :  Osiris  in  alienam  quampiam 
personam  reforrtiatus. 


180         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  iTHE 

pressions  in  the  vision  of  the  alchemist  Zosimus, 
who  seems  to  have  preserved  a  much  older  stra- 
tum of  Mystery-theology.  He  speaks  of  a  priest 
who,  in  his  vision,  "  renewed "  him  {Kaivovpyo^v 
fie)  so  that  he  became  wj^evfia.  This  process  he 
describes  later  as  fjLeracrcoiJLaToviJiei'os,  exchanging 
body  for  spirit.^ 

The  material  with  which  we  have  been  dealing 
recalls  Paul's  language  in  2  Corinthians  iii.  18 : 
*'We  all  with  unveiled  face  beholding  (or,  re- 
flecting) as  in  a  mirror  the  glory  of  the  Lord 
are  transformed  (ftcTa/jLo/3(/>ou/i,€^a)  into  the  same 
image  from  glory  to  glory,  as  from  the  Lord,  the 
Spirit".  Romans  viii.  29  declares  that  "those 
whom  God  foreknew  he  also  predestined  to  be 
conformed  (o-v/uifid/x^ous)  to  the  image  of  his 
Son ".  And  in  Philippians  iii.  21  it  is  said  of 
Christ  that  He  "  will  transform  (/lerao^Ty/xaTtcret) 
the  body  of  our  humiliation  so  as  to  be  con- 
formed {a"6yniop(\>ov)  to  the  body  of  his  glory". 
With  these  passages  we  may  connect  Romans 
viii.  23  :  "  We  ourselves  also  who  have  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  Spirit  \i.e.,  the  irvevixa  as  pledge  of 
what  is  to  be],  we  also  groan  within  ourselves, 

^  Berthelot,  Les  alchimistes  grecs,  p.  108,  5,  17  ;  quoted  in 
HM.B.,  p.  141. 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  181 

earnestly  awaiting  our  sonship,  the  redemption 
of  our  body  ".  Obviously  Philippians  iii.  21  and 
Eomans  viii.  23  refer  to  the  transformation  of 
the  o-w/ia  xjjvxi'Kov  (1  Cor.  xv.  44),  the  ordinary 
body  of  flesh  and  blood,  into  the  o-wfia  nvevfjia- 
TiKov,  the  organism  which  is  the  fit  expression  of 
the  TTPevfjLa.  These  two  statements  refer  the 
transformation  to  the  Parousia.  But  the  men- 
tion of  the  "firstfruits  consisting  in  the  nvevfia  " 
at  least  suggests  that  Paul  may  have  regarded 
the  process  as  having  in  some  sense  already 
begun.  It  is  possible  to  find  that  idea  impHed 
in  2  Corinthians  v.  4,  5  :  "  Those  of  us  who 
are  in  the  body  (tS  o-Kyji/ei)^  groan  under  our 
burden,  not  that  we  desire  to  strip  ourselves  of 
it  (e/cSuo-ao-^at),  but  to  put  on  another  over  it 
(eTTci/Sucrao-^at),  that  what  is  mortal  may  be  swal- 
lowed up  by  life.  Now  he  that  prepared  us  for 
this  very  experience  is  God,  who  gave  us  the 
pledge  of  the  Spirit."  The  germ  of  the  future 
acofxa  is  somehow  connected  with  the  indwelling 
TTvevfia.  How  are  we  to  estimate  the  crucial 
statement,  2  Corinthians  iii.  18,  in  view  of  all  the 

1  A  typically  Hellenistic  term  :  cf.  Corp.  Hermet.f  xiii.,  15  : 
Ka\w<s  Q-TTCvScts  A-vcrat  to  (tktjvos. 


182         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

facts  ?  The  key  to  it  is  surely  found  in  the  ex- 
pression TToWrj  TTapprjo-ta  in  the  introductory  sen- 
tence of  the  paragraph.  Paul  has  been  accused 
of  concealing  something  (iv.  2,  3).  He  repels  the 
charge  indignantly  and  emphasises  the  openness 
of  his  Gospel.  This  he  contrasts  with  the  veil 
on  Moses'  face  (iii.  13),  the  veil  on  the  heart  of 
Israel  (ver.  15),  and  the  veiling  of  the  Gospel  in 
the  minds  of  unbelievers  (iv.  3,  4).  Hence  the 
prominent  idea  in  verse  18  is  the  ''  unveiled  face  ". 
Here  we  are  plainly  moving  to  some  extent 
among  metaphors,  yet  the  occurrence  of  the 
terms  elKcov  and  Sofa  warns  us  against  a  merely 
metaphorical  interpretation.  No  doubt  in  Ro- 
mans xii.  2  fjL€TaiJLop(j>ov(T6aL  is  used  of  a  purely 
inward  ''  renewal  '\  But  the  combination  of 
(jvixixop(})itpp.evo^  with  yvcovai  in  Philippians  iii. 
10  suggests  a  background  for  the  Apostle's 
conception  akin  to  that  of  the  Mystery-termin- 
ology. In  2  Corinthians  iv.  16,  the  very  context 
in  which  the  "  spiritual  organism  "  is  introduced, 
there  occur  the  pregnant  words  :  *'  If  our  out- 
ward man  is  being  destroyed,  yet  our  inward 
is  being  renewed  day  by  day  ".  It  is  natural  to 
connect  this  ''renewal''  with  the  growth  of  a 
"pneumatic"   life  in   the    believer,  which    ulti- 


MYSTERY-TERMINOLOGY  183 

mately  issues  in  the  acofia  -rrvev^aTiKov}  And 
some  colour  is  lent  to  the  influence  of  the 
Mystery-conceptions  upon  this  whole  group  of 
ideas  by  the  doctrine  of  the  o-w/iia  Trvev^aTiKov 
itself  which  we  must  proceed  briefly  to  investi- 
gate. But  before  doing  so,  we  would  point  out 
that,  whatever  links  of  contact  may  be  here 
detected  between  Paul's  thought  and  the  Mys- 
tery-idea of  transformation  by  the  vision  of  God, 
there  is  a  difference  in  the  point  of  emphasis. 
In  the  Mystery-Religions  the  chief  stress  is  laid 
upon  a  quasi -magical  transmutation  of  essence. 
The  very  nature  of  Paul's  conception  of  the 
nvevfia  sets  in  the  forefront  the  moral  significance 
of  the  process.  And  so  it  is  difficult  even  to 
surmise  the  nature  of  any  ''metaphysical"  specu- 
lation on  the  experience,  which  may  have  found  a 
place  in  Paul's  mind.^ 

^  Reitzenstein  refers  to  a  conception  of  the  alchemist 
Zosimus  which  assigns    to    the   inner  Ufe  of   every  man  a 

(f)(DT€LVO<i  KoX  TTfCU/OiaTtKO?  avOpOiTTOS    {H.M.R.^     p.    177).        But  tWs 

is  probably  a  late  development. 

^  Little  light  is  shed  on  Paul's  conception  by  Schweitzer's 
remark  that  for  the  Apostle  renewal,  spirit,  ecstasy,  gnosis, 
etc.,  are  all  dependent  on  the  entrance  of  the  individual  into 
a  "new  cosmic  process"  {Geschichte  d.  PazUin.  Forschung^ 
p.  175). 


184         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

This  difficulty  is  not  lessened  by  his  statements 
regarding  the  o-cofxa  TTvevjiariKov.  The  most  lucid 
of  them  all  is  Philippians  iii.  21.  There  two 
things  are  said.  Christ,  at  His  Parousia,  is  by 
His  almighty  power  to  transform  the  earthly 
bodies  {crdp^  kol  at/xa,  1  Cor.  xv.  50)  of  be- 
lievers. The  result  will  be  assimilation  to  His 
own  crw/xa,  the  characteristic  of  which  is  Sofa: 
In  1  Corinthians  xv.  49  Paul  affirms :  "  Even  as 
we  wore  the  image  of  the  earthly  (i.e.,  Adam), 
so  shall  we  wear  the  image  of  the  heavenly 
(i.e.j  Christ)  ".^  Plainly,  the  idea  of  the  a.  ttp. 
is  modelled  on  his  conception  of  the  mode  of 
existence  of  the  exalted  Christ.  And  it  seems 
to  us  impossible  to  doubt  that  this  conception  is 
intimately  associated  with  the  Damascus  vision.^ 
In  the  obscure  passage,  2  Corinthians  v.  1,  2,  the 
(T.  TTv.  is  described  as  the  "building  from  God," 
the  "  house  not  made  with  hands,  eternal  in  the 
heavens  "  (c/  1  Cor.  xv.  38).    The  impression  that 

^The  reading  (fiopea-iofnv,  although  so  widely  attested,  is 
plainly  an  error.  The  whole  context  demands  ^opiaofx^v^ 
which  is  read  by  B.  This  common  interchange  in  MSS. 
between  o  and  w,  due  to  pronunciation,  appears  also  in 
Romans  v.  1. 

'See  some  valuable  paragraphs  in  Feino,  N.T.  Theologie, 
pp.  362,  501,  602. 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  185 

the  transformation  is  a  definite  and  sudden  act  of 
God  is  confirmed  by  1  Corinthians  xv.  51  :  "we 
shall  all  be  changed  in  a  moment ".  In  2  Corin- 
thians V.  1  fF.  the  suggestion  is  of  a  sudden  event 
{iirevhvo-aa-dai).  It  is  difficult  to  regard  this 
passage  as  denoting  something  which  already 
belongs  to  the  constitution  of  the  believer's  life. 
Reitzenstein  argues  strongly  for  the  thought 
of  the  eacoOev  av0pa)7ros  as  the  nucleus  which, 
as  in  a  certain  sense  an  evSvjxa  or  garment,  is  to 
be  clothed  over  (iireuB.)  with  the  cr.  irv.^  His 
argument,  however,  depends  largely  for  its  va- 
lidity on  the  very  doubtful  reading  iKSva-dfievot 
(for  ij/Svcrdfi€voL)  in  2  Corinthians  v.  3.  And  it 
reads  into  Paul  a  crassness  of  idea  which  we  fail 
to  trace  in  the  passages  adduced.  Probably  on 
the  basis  of  our  data  it  is  impossible  to  determine 
how  Paul  conceived  the  relation  of  the  Trvevfxa  in 
the  behever  to  the  a.  irv.  To  say,  as  J.  Weiss 
does,  that  ''Paul  evidently  pictures  it  as  an 
'ethereal,'  light,  pure,  heavenly  material "  gives 
us  but  little  aid  in  grasping  the  conception.'^ 
He  is  following  a  far  more  important  clue 
when  he  urges  that  what  concerned  the  Apostle 

^  H.M,B.,  pp.  177,  178. 

^ Erster  Kor.'Brief  (Meyer'),  p.  373. 


186  ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

above   all   else   was  the  persistence  of   his   in- 
dividuality. 

Reitzenstein  holds  that  the  notion  of  the  cr.  ni/. 
has  its  roots  in  Hellenistic  Mystery-Religion. 
The  passages  to  which  he  refers  are  of  a 
highly  philosophical  character.  The  one  {Corp. 
Hermet.,  vii.,  2,  3)  speaks  of  the  necessity  of 
"  tearing  off  the  tunic  which  you  are  wearing, 
the  robe  woven  of  ignorance,"  but  there  is  no 
hint  of  the  Pauline  conception.  The  other 
{ib.,  xvii.)  ^  deals  with  o-co fxara  daco fxara,  ''in- 
corporeal bodies,"  but  a  glance  at  the  context 
shows  that  we  are  moving  in  the  region  of  ab- 
stract metaphysics,  from  which  there  appears  to 
be  no  path  to  the  realm  of  Pauline  speculations. 
Two  extracts  quoted  by  J.  Weiss  give  more  pro- 
mise. In  Corp.  Her  met,  xiii.,  14,^  Tat,  who  has 
just  been  regenerated,  asks  if  his  transfigured 
cronjua  will  ever  suffer  dissolution.  His  father 
assures  him  that  the  former  body  was  subject  to 
disintegration,  but  that  which  has  come  from  the 
birth  of  true  being  is  indissoluble  and  immortal. 
"  You  do  not  recognise  that  you  are  now  ^eos  and 
a  child  of  the  One."    In  the  opening  prayer  of  the 

1  Poimandres  (ed.  Beitz.),  p.  354,  12  f. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  344,  17  ff. 


MYSTERY-TEEMINOLOGY  187 

Liturgy  of  Mithra,  the  initiate,  after  addressing 
the  various  elements,  appeals  to  "  my  perfected 
body  .  .  .  formed  by  a  glorious  arm  ...  in  the 
world  which  is  unlighted  and  in  that  which  is  full 
of  light  ".1  In  the  first  passage,  apart  altogether 
from  its  philosophical  substratum,  the  notion  of 
a  completely  transformed  essence,  which  makes 
the  subject  already  a  god,  is  utterly  alien  to 
Paul's  thought.  Weiss  himself  admits  that 
he  is  unable  to  explain  the  sentence  from  the 
Liturgy,  but  believes  that  at  any  rate  we  find 
here  the  notion  of  a  ''  supra-earthly  body  ".  An 
examination  of  the  context  will  show  that  we 
have  in  the  passage  a  curious  blend  of  Stoic 
speculation  and  cosmological  tradition.^  And  it 
is  noteworthy  that  the  appeal  of  the  prayer  is 
made  before  the  regenerating  process  begins. 
There  is  surely  a  wide  gulf  between  these  notions 
and  the  thought  of  St.  Paul. 

Some    scholars,    notably    Reitzenstein  ^    and 
Wendland,*  bring  the  Pauline  conception  of  the 

1  Eine  Mithraslittcrgie,'^  p.  4,  3  ff. 

2  See   Dieterich's   notes  on  the   passage,   Eine  Mithras- 
liturgie,^  pp.  58,  59. 

'  H.M.B.,  pp.  106,  159,  175  fif. 

*  Die    hellenistisch-romische    Kultur,^  p.    172,    note    2; 
G.G.A.,  September,  1910,  p.  657. 


188         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE    . 

crw/ia  TTPevfiaTiKov  into  direct  connection  with 
the  idea  of  the  heavenly  garments,  which,  in 
various  phases  of  Oriental  religion,  purified  souls 
receive  in  their  ascent  through  the  spheres  to- 
wards their  abode  in  the  infinite  light.  ^  Traces 
of  the  idea  appear  in  the  account  of  the  initiation 
of  Lucius  given  by  Apuleius.^  But  even  if  primi- 
tive imagination  has  left  its  impression  on  the 
Apostle's  conception,  the  picture  of  the  beatified 
soul  in  shining  raiment  is  much  too  obvious  to 
require  explanation  by  any  process  of  borrow- 
ing. If  we  had  to  postulate  such  a  process,  it 
would  be  more  relevant  to  refer  to  parallels  in 
the  Apocalypses,  e.g.,  Eth.  Enoch,  Ixii.,  15  (ed. 
Charles) :  ''  The  righteous  and  elect  will  have 
risen  from  the  earth  .  .  .  and  will  have  been 
clothed  with  garments  of  glory  ".^  Paul's  meta- 
phor of  "  putting  on  Christ "  (Gal.  iii.  27)  cannot 
be  regarded  as  a  true  parallel  to  his  speculations 
on  the  "  spiritual  organism,"  but  must  rather  be 

^  See  Cumont,  Les  Beligions  Orientates,'^  pp.  235  f.,  391, 
note  54. 

^  Especially  Metamorph.,  xi.,  23. 

'  See  Charles's  notes,  the  parallel  in  Slav.  Enoch,  22,  8 
(with  references),  and  Bousset,  Die  Beligion  d.  Judentums,^ 
p.  319. 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  189 

compared  with  such  Old  Testament  passages  as 
Psalm  cxxxii.  9  :  "  Let  thy  priests  be  clothed 
with  righteousness  "  (c/  2  Chron.  vi.  41  et  al), 
and  with  remarkable  phrases  such  as  Judges 
vi.  34  :  "  The  spirit  of  Jehovah  clothed  itself 
with  Gideon  "  (c/  Job  xxix.  14,  etc.). 

In  discussing  yi/ojo-t?  we  pointed  out  that  for 
the  Mystery-Religions  its  ultimate  issue  was 
deification.  We  must  reserve  our  discussion  of 
this  conception  for  a  later  chapter.  Meanwhile, 
let  us  briefly  examine  the  terms  elKOiv  and 
Sofa,  which  have  intimate  affinities  with  the 
croijLLa  iTvevyiaTiKov.  They  are  linked  together  in 
the  important  passage,  2  Corinthians  iii.  18, 
which  has  already  been  discussed.  In  connec- 
tion with  1  Corinthians  xv.  49  we  saw  that 
"  the  dKa)v  of  the  heavenly  "  was  virtually  equiva- 
lent to  the  0-.  TTv.  And  Philippians  iii.  21  is 
evidence  that  the  character  of  the  o-.  ttv.  is  Sofa. 
It  may  therefore  be  said  that  Sofa  is  that  by 
which  the  eiKOiv  expresses  itself.  Where  are 
we  to  look  for  the  background  of  these  ideas  ? 
Paul's  use  of  eiKOiv  is  very  instructive.  In  1 
Corinthians  xi.  7  he  describes  man  as  the  elKa}^ 
KOL  Sofa  6eov,  and  in  Colossians  iii.  10  he  speaks 
of  the  "  new  man  "  as  being  "  renewed  with  a 


190         ST.  PAUL'S  RELATION  TO  THE 

view  to  complete  knowledge  kut  elKopa  tov 
KTicravTo^  avTov  ".  Obviously  these  passages  are 
an  echo  of  Genesis  i.  27  (LXX)  :  ''  And  God 
created  man,  Kar  eUova  Beov  created  he  him  " 
{of,  V.  1).  The  idea  is  emphasised  both  in  Pales- 
tinian and  Hellenistic  Judaism,  e.g.,  Sirach  xvii. 
3  :  "  He  endowed  thee  with  strength  befitting 
thee  and  made  thee  according  to  his  own  image 
{eiKova) "  ;  Wisdom  ii.  23  :  "  God  created  man  for 
incorruption  and  made  him  an  image  {dKova)  of 
his  own  proper  being  ".  Alongside  of  this  usage 
in  Paul  is  that  which  designates  Christ  as  the 
ct/ccui/  of  God  (2  Cor.  iv.  4  ;  Col.  i.  15),  and  re- 
gards believers  as  destined  to  be  conformed  to 
that  eiKOiv  (Rom.  viii.  29).  This  combination  is 
precisely  parallel  to  his  conception  of  the  first 
and  second  creations  (Rom.  v.  12-21  ;  1  Cor.  xv. 
44-49).  The  et/cwi/  of  God  which  was  lost  in  the 
first  creation  through  sin  is  to  be  restored  in 
the  second  through  Christ,  in  whom  sin  s  power 
has  been  broken.  Hence  in  spite  of  Clemen  ^ 
it  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  Paul's  use  of 
exKoiv  has  an  intimate  connection  with  the  Old 
Testament  through  the  medium  of  the  LXX. 
We  believe  that  this  holds  good  also  of  Sofa. 
^  Eeligionsgeschichtliche  Erkldrzcng  d.  N.T.,  pp.  262,  263. 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  191 

The    term    is    extraordinarily   common   in   the 
Epistles  with  varying  shades  of  meaning,  from 
that  of  the  radiance  of  a  heavenly  body  to  the 
energy  which  is  exerted  by  the  Divine  nature, 
in  addition  to  such   senses   as    "honour"   and 
''  praise  "  as  well  as  the  eschatological  idea  of 
the  "  glory  "  which  awaits  the  redeemed.     Now 
So^a  is  almost  invariably  the  LXX  translation  of 
kahod,  which  occurs  an  immense  number  of  times 
in  the  Old  Testament  with  a  considerable  flexi- 
bility of  signification  ;  and  as  expressing  or  inter- 
preting kabody  a  most  important  religious  term,  it 
must  have  been  thoroughly  familiar  to  all  Jews 
of  the  Diaspora.     To  discuss  the  conception  in 
the  Old  Testament  and  in  Judaism  would  require 
a  treatise.    A  somewhat  careful  investigation  has 
convinced  us  of  the  validity  of  Prof.  Buchanan 
Gray's   conclusions  :  ^    "  The   glory  of  J'',    was 
originally  used  to  express  the  manifestations  of 
J".'s  power   and   might,   or   more   generally   of 
His  nature  :  through  Isaiah  the  phrase  became 
enriched  and  deepened  in  meaning,  and  subse- 
quently continued  to  express  this  idea.  .  .  .  The 
phrase   first  unmistakably  expresses  a  physical 
phenomenon  in  Ezekiel,  who  uses  it  to  express 
1  Art.  "  Glory  "  (in  Old  Testament),  H.D.B.,  ii.,  p.  185. 


192         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

the  form  under  which  in  his  visions  he  realises 
the  movement  of  J''.  ...  It  is  not  till  we  come 
to  P.  in  the  fifth  century  that  the  phrase  is 
used  of  a  physical  phenomenon  actually  sup- 
posed to  have  been  visible  to  the  natural  eye."  ^ 
This  requires  to  be  supplemented  only  as  regards 
the  fact,  put  with  some  exaggeration  by  Stade  ^^ 
and  Von  Gall,^  that  more  especially  in  the 
Psalter  the  glory  of  J",  is  closely  associated 
with  the  Messianic  Age. 

Paul's  use  of  86^a  corresponds  remarkably 
to  its  Old  Testament  background  and  also  to 
its  usage  in  Apocalyptic  writings,  which  ordin- 
arily emphasise  its  more  "  physical "  aspect.^ 
From  what  has  already  been  said,  its  close  kin- 
ship with  TTvevixa  is  evident.  Faithful  to  its  Old 
Testament  atmosphere,  it  denotes  the  manifested 

^  See  also  Duhm,  Die  Theologie  d.  Propheten,  pp.  170,  171, 
279 ;  Dillmann,  Handbuch  d.  A.T.  Theologie,  1895,  p.  283  f., 
where  kabod  is  defined  as  "  the  majesty  of  a  self -revealing 
Being  ".  For  its  connection  with  holiness,  see  Cheyne  on 
Isaiah  vi.  3. 

'^  Ausgewdhlte  Beden,  p.  49. 

'■^  Die  Herrlichkeit  Gottes,  pp.  32-47.  This  discussion  con- 
tains much  that  is  suggestive  for  the  New  Testament. 

*  See,  e.g.,  4  Ezra  vii.  78,  91 ;  Eth.  Enoch,  Ixi.  8,  Iviii.  3 ; 
Apoc.  Baruch,  xlviii.  49,  etc. 


MYSTEKY-TEKMINOLOGY  193 

life  or  energy  of  the  living  God,  e.g.,  Romans  vi. 
4  :  "As  Christ  was  raised  from  the  dead  through 
the  So^a  of  the  Father "  ;  Colossians  i.  11  : 
''  strengthened  with  all  power  according  to  the 
might  of  his  Sofa ".  A  second  group  of  in- 
stances are  distinctly  eschatological,  e.g.,  Romans 
viii.  18  :  "  the  glory  destined  to  be  revealed 
€19  T7jLta9  "  ;  Colossians  i.  27  :  "  Christ  in  you, 
the  hope  of  glory "  ;  1  Thessalonians  ii.  12  : 
"  Who  calleth  you  into  his  own  kingdom  and 
glory  ".  This  usage  seems  to  be  parallel  to  the 
Old  Testament  notion  of  ^^  glory  "  as  character- 
istic of  the  Messianic  Age.  Finally  there  are 
passages  which  may  be  diractly  linked  to  Old 
Testament  pictures  of  theophanies,  e.g.,  2  Thes- 
salonians i.  9  :  "  who  shall  suffer  punishment 
.  .  .  from  the  face  of  the  Lord  and  from  the 
glory  of  his  might ''  ;  Philippians  iii.  21  :  '*  the 
body  of  his  {i.e.,  Christ's)  glory  "  ;  2  Corinthians 
iii.  8  :  "if  glory  {i.e.,  the  reflection  of  the  Divine 
on  the  face  of  Moses)  belonged  to  the  ministry  of 
condemnation  ".  Obviously  it  will  be  difficult  to 
draw  a  distinction  between  these  examples  and 
the  eschatological  group.  For  they  have  usually 
in  view  the  unveiled  Divine  Presence,  the  sphere 

of  the  Divine  existence.     We  have  indicated  that 

13 


194         ST.  PAUL'S  KELATION  TO  THE 

Paul's  conception  of  the  crw^ta  TrvevixariKov  was 
largely  due  to  his  vision  on  the  Damascus  road. 
Now  the  essential  characteristic  of  the  a.  ttv.  for 
him  was  Sofa.  Hence  Sofa,  in  its  sense  of  the 
radiant  self-expression  of  the  (Divine)  TTvevfia, 
probably  reflects  a  certain  impression  belonging 
to  his  conversion-experience,  and  this  impression 
has  given  it  a  quasi-physical  significance/  But 
already  in  the  Old  Testament  and  the  Apoca- 
lypses a  "  sensible  "  element  belonged  to  the  con- 
ception. So  that  Paul  has  only  followed  his 
usual  practice  of  remoulding  the  earlier  idea  in 
the  light  of  his  personal  experience. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  quite  irrelevant, 
with  Reitzenstein,  to  refer  the  ''  peculiar  associa- 
tion of  the  conceptions  Sofa  and  Trvevfia  of 
necessity   to    Egyptian-Hellenistic  Mysticism  ".^ 

^  See  Sokolowski,  Geist  u.  Leben  bei  PauluSy  pp.  63,  64, 
162,  163.  Sokolowski  is  inclined  to  exaggerate  the  "  mate- 
riality "  of  So^a,  but  it  is  true  that  Paul  "  was  not  accustomed 
to  distinguish  between  the  physical  and  the  spiritual  in  our 
fashion  ". 

^  H.M.B.,  p.  180.  Bohlig  {Die  GeisteskuUur  von  Tarsos, 
1913,  pp.  97-101)  attempts  to  show  that  the  root  of  Paul's 
conception  of  B6ia  is  to  be  found  in  Persian  religion.  Various 
points  in  his  argument  he  admits  to  be  hypothetical :  e.g.f 
"  how  Paul  arrived  at  his  peculiar  conception  of  Bo^a  can  only 


MYSTEKY-TEEMINOLOGY  195 

But  we  must  glance  at  the  interesting  parallels 
to  Paul's  use  of  Sofa  which  he  adduces  from 
the  Mystery-literature.  In  a  magical  papyrus, 
edited  by  Dieterich/  it  is  said  of  the  Creator : 
"  Thou  didst  give  to  the  sun  its  So^a  and  all  its 
might,"  where  8.  evidently  means  '^  radiance,*'  a 
sense  unknown  in  ordinary  Greek  literature.^ 
Similarly  in  other  parts  of  this  document,  and 
in  a  papyrus  published  by  Wessely  (i.,  p.  74,  1. 
1200)  :  '*  I  addressed  thine  unsurpassable  8d^a". 
In  a  curious  alchemistic  treatise  ascribed  to 
Komarios,  dealing  with  chemical  processes  in 
terms   derived  from   the   Mystery-religions,  the 

be  conjectured "  (p.  100);  "one  may  therefore  perhaps  say, 
with  his  8o|a-conception  Paul  took  over  Persian  ideas  in 
Hellenistic  dress  "  (p.  101).  But  the  precariousness  of  his 
basis  is  evident  from  the  statement  that  the  notion  of  86ia 
as  "sensible"  is  ''foreign  to  the  LXX  "  (p.  98).  A  careful 
examination  of  kabod  in  the  Old  Testament  would  have  pre- 
vented such  a  dictum. 

^Abraxas,  p.  176,  5.  Krebs  points  out  that  this  papyrus 
belongs  to  the  third  century  a.d.,  op.  cit.^  p.  162. 

2  Deissmann,  in  his  pamphlet,  Die  Hellenisierung  d.  semit. 
Mo7iotheismus,  pp.  5,  6,  suggests  that  this  may  have  been  an 
ancient  realistic  meaning  which  survived  in  the  popular 
language  of  the  environment  of  the  LXX  translators,  and 
points  to  Ao^a  as  a  name  of  women  and  ships  as  perhaps 
retaining  this  significance. 


196         ST.  PAUL'S  EELATION  TO  THE 

phrase  ivSvcraa-OaL  ho^av  occurs  repeatedly,  but 
the  evidence,  it  seems  to  us,  proves  nothing, 
as  Reitzenstein  himself  admits  that  this  work 
has  undergone  Christian  revision.^  Founding  on 
this  passage,  he  is  inclined  to  ascribe  the 
sense  of  "radiance"  belonging  to  Sofa  to  the 
influence  of  an  Egyptian  verb,  meaning  "  to 
shine,"  with  a  corresponding  noun  signifying 
''advantage,"  from  which  he  attempts,  without 
any  data,  to  derive  the  meaning  of  "glory". 
This  would  connect  the  LXX  use  of  Sofa  with 
Egyptian  Mystery  -  terminology.  Deissmann's 
suggestion,  quoted  above,  appears  to  us  far 
more  probable.  A  notable  parallel  occurs  in 
Corp.  Hermet.y  x.,  7,  in  which  the  transformed 
soul  is  represented  as  "  joining  the  chorus  of  the 
gods,"  and  then  it  is  said  :  "  this  is  r)  reXetorarT^ 
Sofa  of  the  soul  ".  Here  we  are  reminded  of 
various  Pauline  passages.  Perhaps  the  most  re- 
markable instance  is  in  Wessely,  Zauherpap.y  ii., 
p.  37,  1.  512,  where  a  magician  prays  to  Isis  : 
Sdfao-oi/  /x€,  a>s  eSdfacra  to  ovofxa  tov  vlov  (tov 
"npov.^    Probably  the  prayer  is  one  for  Divine 

'  H.M.B.,  p.  142. 

2£r.M.i2.,  pp.  100,  170.     Eeitzenstein's  interpretation   of 
the  whole  passage,  Bomans  viii.    30,  is  quite  arbitrary. 


MYSTEEY-TEEMINOLOGY  197 

power,  an  idea  characteristic  of  the  Pauline  8d^a, 
while  the  second  clause  contains  the  notion  of 
"glory"  in  the  stricter  sense.  Reitzenstein 
aptly  compares  the  iSo^acrev  of  Romans  viii.  30. 
Paul's  use  of  the  terms  (Jxotl^^lv,  "  illumine," 
and  (fx^Tia-fjios,  "  illumination,"  has  a  history 
parallel  to  that  of  So^a  and  So^a^eti/.  They  are 
used  again  and  again  in  the  LXX  of  spiritual 
illumination,  as  translations  of  Hebrew  -)'=jt«^  or 
its  derivative  ^ib^t^.  Instances  are  Psalm  xviii. 
(xix.)  8  :  7)  ipToXrj  Kvpiov  Tr)\avyr}s  (jxoTL^ovcra 
6</)^aX/xovs  ("the  commandment  of  the  Lord  is 
clear,  illumining  the  eyes") ;  Psalm  xxvi.  (xxvii.) 

1   :    KVpiO^    (fxOTLCfJLOS    fJ^OV    KOL    (TCJTTJp    fXOV,    TlVa    (^O- 

Pri6T]orofiaL ;  (''the  Lord  is  my  illumination  and 
my  saviour,  whom  shall  I  fear ").  Closely  akin 
to  our  first  example  is  Ephesians  i.  18  :  Trec^wno- 
jLieVovs  Tov<;  ocfjdaXfiovs  tyjs  AcapStas  v/xwi/  (*'the 
eyes  of  your  heart  being  illumined  ").  In  Ephe- 
sians iii.  9  (fxoTLO-at  is  parallel  to  evayyeXLcraadaty 
and  directly  recalls  the  interesting  use  of  <^a)Ti^etj/ 
in  2  Kings  xvii.  27,  28  (LXX)  as  =  ''teach". 
Equally  significant  is  c^wrtcr/xos  which  is  found 
in  Paul  only  in  2  Corinthians  iv.  4,  6.  He 
plainly  uses  the  word  in  a  wholly  spiritual 
sense,  as  in  the  one  case  the  (fxoTLo-fios  is  that  of 


198  MYSTEEY-TEKMINOLOGY 

the  Gospel,  and  in  the  other  the  <^wrtorfL09  ttj^ 
yvcoarecos  Trj<;  Sdfjyg  tov  deov  is  described  as  a 
process  taking  place  eV  rat?  /capSiai?.  Reitzen- 
stein  explains  the  Pauline  passages  from  the 
Hermetic  use  of  ^oiTiieiv  as  the  action  of  yi/wo-is. 
The  vision  of  God  who  is  in  essence  ^m  il- 
lumines (</)WTt^€t)  in  a  quasi-physical  sense.  He 
compares  the  occurrence  in  Apuleius'  descrip- 
tion of  the  Isis-Mysteries  of  the  term  illustrari, 
applied  to  the  initiate,  and  sums  up  by  remark- 
ing that  the  usage  is  non-Jewish.^  In  view  of 
the  evidence  given  above,  comment  on  this 
is  needless.  And  the  evidence  we  have  ad- 
duced from  the  Old  Testament  makes  it  wholly 
superfluous  to  seek  for  the  explanation  of  Paul's 
use  of  any  of  these  terms  in  Hellenistic  Mystery- 
Religion.  What  we  do  learn  from  the  parallels 
is  the  ability  of  many  of  his  readers  to  catch 
the  meaning  of  a  more  or  less  technical  termino- 
logy, due  not  merely  to  a  course  of  instruction  in 
the  Old  Testament,  but  to  their  acquaintance 
with  a  religious  vocabulary  already  current 
among  the  Mystery-associations. 

^H.M.i?.,  pp.  119,  120. 


CHAPTER  V 

ST.  PAUL  AND  THE   CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS  OF 
THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS 

In  the  light  of  the  evidence  we  have  sought  to 
exhibit  in  the  preceding  chapters  it  is  not  difficult 
to  give  a  rough  account  of  the  chief  aims  of 
the  Mystery-Religions.  They  may  be  said  to 
offer  salvation  (o-wrT^/ata)  to  those  who  have  been 
duly  initiated.  And  salvation  means  primarily 
deliverance  from  the  tyranny  of  an  omnipotent 
Fate,  which  may  crush  a  human  life  at  any  mo- 
ment. Death,  with  its  unknown  terrors,  will  be 
Fate's  most  appalling  visitation.  Hence  the 
element  prized  above  all  others  in  a-oinqpia  is  the 
assurance  of  a  life  which  death  cannot  quench, 
a  victorious  immortality.  This  boon  is  reached 
by  the  process  of  regeneration  {dvayewaa-Oai, 
TroKiyyevea-ia),  A  genuinely  Divine  life  is  im- 
parted  to   the   initiate   in  a  transformation   of 

essence,  which  in  many,  if  not  in  all,  instances 

(199) 


200  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

is  conceived  more  or  less  physically,  though 
at  least  occasionally  a  psychical  element  is  quite 
manifest.  The  full  significance  of  the  process  be- 
comes clear  from  its  being  frequently  described 
as  deification  {0eo}6rjj/aL,  aTTodecDOrjvai),  And  it 
always  seems  to  depend  on  some  kind  of  contact 
with  Deity.  In  order  to  reach  a  standpoint  from 
which  a  comparison  with  St.  Paul's  conceptions 
can  be  profitably  made,  we  must  examine  with 
some  care  the  prevalent  ideas  of  communion 
with  the  god,  through  which,  for  the  Mystery- 
Religions,  the  process  of  regeneration  or  dei- 
fication becomes  possible. 

The  first  thing  that  strikes  us  about  these 
ideas  is  that  they  reflect  the  various  phases 
of  primitive  belief  which  emerge  in  the  Mystery- 
cults,  from  the  crudest  up  to  those  which  have 
become  spiritualised  in  the  course  of  a  gradual 
development.  We  touch  a  very  ancient  stratum 
of  thought  in  the  idea  that  communion  with  a 
deity  can  be  gained  through  partaking  of  him. 
This  conception  is  found  in  early  Egyptian  texts, 
and  seems  to  be  involved  in  the  rites  which  circled 
round  the  mystic  figure  of  Dionysus-Zagreus,  in 
which  the  bull,  representing  the  god  himself,  is 
torn  asunder  and  devoured.  ^  His  life  passes  into 


OF  THE  MYSTEBY-BELIGIONS         201 

his  votaries.!  A  more  refined  form  of  this  idea, 
which  perhaps  meets  us  in  the  usage  of  sacra- 
mental meals,  must  be  discussed  in  a  later  chap- 
ter in  connection  with  Paul's  view  of  the  Lord's 
Supper.  Less  crass  in  its  associations,  but  per- 
haps scarcely  less  corporeal  in  its  implications,  is 
that  contact  with  deity  described  in  Greek  religion 
as  ivdova-Laa-fjLos.  This  condition  was  induced 
by  all  kinds  of  sensuous  stimuli.  It  might 
mean  the  entrance  of  the  god  into  the  human 
personality  as  it  was.  A  remarkable  instance, 
belonging  somewhat  incongruously  to  an  elevated 
plane  of  Mysticism,  occurs  in  a  prayer  to  Hermes :  ^ 
*'  Come  to  me,  0  Lord  Hermes,  ax;  tol  fipi<i>y)  ets 
Ta9  KOiXias  twv  yvvaiKUiv  ".  Here  the  corporeal 
background  is  evident  enough.  Closely  akin, 
although  nearer  the  sphere  of  the  spiritual,  is  the 
prayer  of  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra :  "  that  I  may 
be  initiated,  and  that  the  holy  spirit  may  blow 

^  See  Dieterich,  Eine  Mithrasliturgie,'^  pp.  105,  106  ; 
Eohde,  Psyche,^  ii.,  pp.  15,  117,  118,  with  the  notes.  The 
scholion  on  Clem.  Alex.,  Protrept,  i.,  p.  433,  quoted  by  Diete- 
rich, is  specially  significant :  "  those  initiated  into  the  mys- 
teries of  Dionysus  ate  flesh  raw,  this  initiation  symbolising 
the  mangling  of  his  body  which  Dionysus  endured  at  the  hands 
of  the  Titans  ". 

^  Quoted  by  Dieterich  from  Kenyon,  Greek  Papp.,  i.,  p.  116. 


202  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTKAL  CONCEPTIONS 

within  me  ".i  But  ivOovaiaa-iios  was  often  vir- 
tually synonymous  with  eKio-racrts.  Here  the  soul 
is  regarded  as  leaving  the  body  and  becoming 
one  with  the  deity.  In  many  mystic  cults,  such 
as  that  of  Dionysus  and  the  Great  Mother,  a 
state  of  wild  delirium  is  produced,  and  the 
subject  of  it  becomes  conscious  of  impressions 
and  powers  completely  alien  to  his  normal  ex- 
perience.^ As  Proclus  expresses  it :  "  Going  out 
of  themselves,  they  are  wholly  established  with 
the  gods  and  possessed  by  them  ".^  But  ecstasy 
is  found  in  a  large  variety  of  phases.  It  has  no 
necessary  connection  with  frenzy.  The  ascent  of 
the  soul  into  the  sphere  of  the  Divine  is  often  con- 
ceived of,  as  apart  from  all  sensuous  excitements. 
We  have  seen,  e.g.y  how  the  condition  of  yvcoa-L^, 
or  the  vision  of  deity,  transforms  the  soul  which 
has  left  behind  the  hampering  associations  of  the 
body  into  ovcria,  the  Divine  essence.  The  astral 
mysticism,  so  dear  to  Posidonius,  employs  the 

1  Mithrasliturgie,^  p.  4,  13  f. 

^  Cf.  Plato,  Ion,  434  B  :  wpiv  av  tv^eos  tc  yivrfrai  Koi  €K<l>p<iiv 
KOL  6  V0V5  fxr]K€Tt,  iv  avTw  ivfj. 

3  On  Eepubl,  p.  59,  19  (ed.  Schbll).  See  Eohde's  important 
discussion.  Psyche,^  ii.,  pp.  18-21. 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGIONS         203 

method  of  absorbing  contemplation.  By  its 
means,  communion  with  the  divinity  is  possible 
of  attainment.  To  the  same  sphere  of  more 
*'  spiritual "  modes  of  achieving  union  with  the 
gods  belongs  one  described  in  the  Hermetic  litera- 
ture, in  which  external  ritual  plays  a  very  sub- 
ordinate part.  Here  the  communication  of  a 
revelation  produces  the  mysterious  change.  The 
revelation  regenerates.  The  soul  is  enabled  to 
pass  upwards  into  the  Divine  abode,  and  to  be- 
come one  with  deity  as  having  received  the  ten 
powers  {SvpdfjL€Ls)  of  God.  A  close  kinship  may 
be  traced  between  this  representation  and  the 
dnaOavaTLo-fjios  or  process  of  deification  which 
appears  in  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra.  But  the  latter 
is  accompanied  by  a  variety  of  ritual  postures 
and  gestures.  Thus  the  aspirant  is  enjoined  to 
inhale  the  Divine  breath  (or  spirit),  in  which 
case  he  will  behold  himself  being  raised  into  the 
upper  air.  As  he  sees  the  gods  rushing  at  him, 
he  is  to  place  his  forefinger  on  his  mouth  and 
exclaim,  "  Silence,  silence,  silence  ".  Thereupon 
he  must  emit  a  whistling  sound,  and  utter  some 
mystic  vocables,  and  then  he  will  behold  the 
gods  looking  upon  him  graciously.  The  Liturgy 
abounds   in   similar   directions.      A   still  more 


204  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

spiritual  foundation  for  the  u7iio  mystica  is  trace- 
able in  that  pantheistic  Element-mysticism,  re- 
sulting partly  from  ancient  physico-religious 
speculations,  partly  from  Pythagorean  and  Stoic 
versions  of  these,  which  teaches  that  men  reach 
the  vision  of  God  which  deifies  by  means  of  the 
*'  elements  "  in  them,  of  which  the  first  principles 
exist  in  the  deity/  This  is  a  favourite  doctrine 
of  Hellenistic  religion.  Sextus  Empiricus  (vii., 
93)  quotes  a  saying  of  Posidonius  that  ''  light  is 
apprehended  by  the  light-like  power  of  vision, 
sound  by  the  air-like  hearing,  and  similarly  the 
nature  of  the  universe  must  be  apprehended  by 
reason  which  is  akin  to  it ".  To  the  same  effect 
is  the  Orphic  verse  :  roJ  XafiTrp^  ySXeVo/xei^,  rots 
8'  ojjLiiacnv  ovZkv  opwixev  :  **  by  brightness  we  see, 
with  the  eyes  we  perceive  nothing".^  Cornford 
ingeniously  suggests  that  the  conception  goes 
back  to  ''  that  old  magical  doctrine  which  grouped 
things  into  classes  of  kindred,  united  by  a  sympa- 
thetic continuum  ".^  Nothing  could  more  strik- 
ingly reveal  the  continuity  of   mystic  thought 

^  See  Dieterich,  AbraxaSy  pp.  68,  59. 
''Numerous  exx.  in  Dieterich,  Eine  MithrasUturgie,^  pp. 
56,  57. 

^  From  Religion  to  Philoso^phy,  p.  133. 


OF  THE  MYSTERY-KELIGIONS         205 

than  a  comparison  of  this  element-mysticism 
with  the  words  of  Euysbroek  :  "  All  men  who 
are  exalted  above  their  creatureliness  into  a  con- 
templative life  are  one  with  this  Divine  glory — 
yea,  are  that  glory,  and  they  see  and  feel  and  find 
in  themselves,  by  means  of  this  Divine  light, 
that  they  are  the  same  Ground  as  to  their  un- 
created nature.  .  .  .  Wherefore  contemplative 
men  should  rise  above  reason  and  distinction 
.  .  .  and  gaze  perpetually  by  the  aid  of  their 
inborn  light,  and  so  they  become  transformed, 
and  one  with  the  same  light  by  means  of  which 
they  see,  and  which  they  are."  ^ 

Some  further  ideas  of  a  more  or  less  primitive 
character  must  be  noted.  Traces  exist  in  ob- 
scure mystical  formulae  of  the  conception  of 
union  with  the  god  under  the  guise  of  the  mar- 
riage relationship.  The  terms  employed  disclose 
how  grossly  sensuous  were  the  early  forms 
of  the  notion.^  While  hints  of  a  survival  of  the 
ceremonial  of  the  Upos  ya/xo?  appear  here  and 

^  Quoted  by  Inge,  Christian  Mysticism^  p.  189. 

2  ^.gr.,  the  description  of  the  sacred  snake  (associated  with 
the  Dionysus- Sabazius  mysticism)  as  6  8ta  koKtvov  Oeos,  The 
mystic  drama  corresponded  to  the  designation.  See  Dieterich, 
Sine  Mithrasliturgie,'^  pp.  123, 124. 


206  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTKAL  CONCEPTIONS 

there,  it  is  probable  that  fairly  early  the  concep- 
tion came  to  be  little  more  than  a  metaphor. 
The  symbol  was  one  which  must  inevitably  take 
its  place  in  all  mystical  self-expression.^  In  the 
last  chapter  it  was  pointed  out  that  regeneration 
in  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra  is  compared  to  dying  : 
"  Born  again  I  depart,  being  exalted  [i.e.,  into 
the  Divine  sphere],  and  having  been  exalted  I 
die  :  born  through  that  birth  which  gives  life, 
dissolved  into  death,  I  go  the  way  .  .  .  which 
thou  hast  appointed"  (p.  14,  31  ff.).  Briickner 
remarks  that  this  prayer  might  just  as  appropri- 
ately come  from  the  lips  of  a  worshipper  of 
Attis  or  of  Serapis.^  For  one  of  the  mosT];^ 
arresting  aspects  of  the  idea  of  regeneration  inP^ 
the  Mystery-Religions  is  that  which  is  associated 
with  the  death  and  restoration  to  life  of  a  Divine 
person,  a  process  through  which,  by  a  mystic 
sympathy,  the  initiate  obtains  the  guarantee  of 
undying  life  for  himself.     It  is  of  supreme  im- 

1(7/  E.  Underhill,  Mysticism,  p.  496:  "The  mystic  for 
whom  intimate  and  personal  communion  has  been  the  mode 
under  which  he  best  apprehended  Eeality,  speaks  of  the  con- 
summation of  this  communion,  its  perfect  and  permanent 
form,  as  the  Spiritual  Marriage  of  the  soul  with  God  ". 

^Der  sterbende  mid  auferstehende  Gottheiland,  p.  11. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS         207 

portance  for  our  purpose  to  notice  that  the 
central  deities  in  this  sphere  of  religion,  Osiris 
(-Serapis),  Attis,  and  Dionysus/  are  intimately 
connected  with  the  growth  and  decay  of  vegeta- 
tion. Isis  and  Cybele  are  each  represented  as 
mourning  her  beloved,  just  as  Demeter  at  Eleusis 
mourns  for  her  daughter  Kore,  with  whom  at  a 
later  period  Dionysus  (lacchus)  was  brought  into 
close  affinity.  The  real  significance  of  the  myths 
becomes  clear  when  it  is  observed  that  the  fes- 
tivals of  these  deities  were  held  either  in  early 
spring,  when  the  blackness  of  winter  began  to 
give  place  to  a  luxuriant  life,  or  in  autumn,  after 
the  fruits  of  the  earth  had  been  gathered  in,  and 
when  the  cornseed  (as  in  Egypt)  was  buried 
in  the  soil.  In  the  case  of  both  Attis  and  Osiris 
the  mourning  and  the  rejoicing  were  celebrated 
at   the  same  festival.     The  ancient  formula  of 

^Cornford  makes  the  interesting  observation  that  "the 
seasonal  round  of  vegetation  "  symbolised  in  such  deities  as 
Dionysus  "is  a  larger  transcript  of  the  phases  of  human 
existence,  birth  and  death,  and  rebirth  in  the  wheel  of  reincarna- 
tion ".  Hence  Mystery- Religion ' '  holds  fast  to  the  sympathetic 
principle  that  all  life  is  one,  and  conceives  nature  under  that 
form  which  seems  to  keep  her  processes  most  closely  in  touch 
with  the  phase?  of  hijmao  experience"  {op.  cit.,  pp.  Ill, 
112). 


208  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

the  Attis-ritual,  quoted  in  chapter  iii.,  reveals 
the  significance  for  the  initiates  of  the  god's 
restoration  to  life  :  "  Be  of  good  cheer,  initiates, 
the  god  has  been  saved :  thus  for  you  also  shall 
there  be  salvation  from  your  troubles ".  It  is 
difficult  to  determine  by  what  actual  process, 
previous  to  the  institution  of  the  taurobolium^ 
the  votaries  of  Attis  were  assured  of  their  im- 
mortality. Perhaps  it  is  sufficient  to  emphasise 
what  Mr.  Cornford  calls  that  ''  passionate  sym- 
pathetic contemplation  (Oecopia)  in  which  the 
spectator  is  identified  with  the  suffering  God, 
dies  in  his  death,  and  rises  again  in  his  new 
birth  "  {op.  cit,  p.  198).  The  early  formula,  quoted 
on  page  92,  suggests  a  sacred  meal  in  which 
the  participant  entered  into  communion  with 
the  living  deity.  But  this  is  no  more  than  hypo- 
thesis.^ We  have  also  seen  that  in  the  Osiris-^ 
cult,  the  worshipper,  as  becoming  one  with  the 
god  who  lives,  must  share  eternally  in  his  Divine 

^  See  Hepding's  clear  discrimination  between  an  earlier 
taurobolium  which  was  simply  a  sacrifice,  and  the  later  (the 
earliest  epigraphical  evidence  for  which  belongs  to  305  a.d.) 
which  was  the  initiation  of  individuals  {Attis,  pp.  199,  200). 

^Dieterich  makes  assertions  on  this  question  which  go 
beyond  the  data,  e.g.t  MithrasUturgiej^  p.  174. 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGIONS         209 

life.  Of  the  mystic  ritual  by  which  this  process 
was  symbolised  in  the  Hellenistic  period  we 
know  little  beyond  some  obscure  indications 
which  may  be  gathered  from  Apuleius. 

Certain  remarkable  hints,  however,  have  been 
handed  down  to  us  of  a  death  issuing  in  life 
through  which  the  initiated  had  to  pass.  These 
have  often  been  exaggerated,  and  treated  as  full- 
fledged  doctrines.  But  we  must  beware  of  going 
beyond  our  data.  The  clearest  evidence  of  the 
conception  is  found  in  Apuleius'  description  of 
the  initiation  of  Lucius  into  the  Isis-Mysteries, 
which  was  succeeded  after  an  interval  by  that 
into  the  rites  of  Osiris.  There  the  initiation  is 
described  by  the  high  priest  as  "  the  symbol  of 
a  voluntary  death  "  (voluntariae  mortis)  which  is 
followed  by  a  new  birth  {quodam  mode  renatos). 
Probably  this  explains  Lucius'  account  of  what 
befell  him  in  the  innermost  shrine :  ''I  pene- 
trated to  the  boundaries  of  death  ".  How  much 
of  a  genuinely  religious  experience  was  involved, 
and  what  precisely  it  meant,  it  is  hard  to  de- 
termine. There  was  of  course  an  impressive 
sensuous  ritual.  Perhaps  we  ought  to  interpret 
in  the  light  of  this  passage  the  designation  by 

Firmicus  Maternus   of   an  initiate  of  Attis  as 

U 


210  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

morituruSj  "  about  to  die  ".  And  Dieterich  would 
assign  to  the  same  group  of  ideas  a  reference  of 
Proelus,  in  his  work  on  the  theology  of  Plato, 
to  "priests  who  in  the  most  mysterious  of  all 
initiations  give  orders  to  bury  the  body  as  far 
up  as  the  head  ".  Dieterich  regards  this  as  a 
symbolic  burial,  and  believes  it  to  belong  to 
Dionysiac-Orphic  ritual/  There  is  a  further  de- 
scription by  Sallustius,  in  his  treatise  Concerning 
the  gods  and  the  world,  of  Attis-initiates  as 
''cutting  off  the  further  process  of  genera- 
tion ".  To  this  scanty  evidence  must  be  added 
the  passage  from  the  Liturgy  of  Mithra  quoted 
above.  The  extract  which  Keitzenstein  makes 
from  Corp,  Hermet,  xiii.,  3,  and  supports  from 
the  visions  of  Zosimus,  in  which  regeneration 
is  depicted  as  an  experience  of  death  and 
burial,  apart  altogether  from  its  relevance, 
depends  far  too  much  upon  conjectural  emen- 
dation to  be  used  as  valid  testimony.^  One  or 
two  survivals  of  mystic  ritual  seem  to  bear 
upon  the  conception  before  us.  Sallustius  speaks 
of  those  newly  initiated  into  the  Attis-mysteries 
as  receiving  the  nourishment  of  milk,  "  as  born 

^  Op.  cit,  p.  163. 

2  See  Poimandres,  pp.  368-370. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS         211 

anew"  (wa-Trep  dpayepvcojjievcjv).  With  this  Die- 
terich  would  compare  the  Dionysiac-Orphic  for- 
mula found  in  Southern  Italy  :  "  a  kid  I  lighted 
upon  the  milk,"  eptcfyos  denoting  the  "newly 
born  "  in  the  mystic  sense. ^  But  the  formula  is 
so  obscure  that  it  is  precarious  to  make  it  the 
basis  of  argument.  Nor  is  it  legitimate  to 
adduce  the  barbarous  ceremony  of  the  tauro- 
holium,  the  bath  of  bull's  blood,  associated  with 
the  ritual  of  the  Great  Mother  and  Attis,  in 
which  the  descent  into  the  pit  seems  to  have 
symbolised  the  burial  of  the  old  life,  and  the 
votary,  coming  up  from  his  bloody  baptism,  was 
feasted  as  a  god,  and  described  as  "  born  again 
for  eternity  ".  For  Cumont  has  shown  that  this 
was  a  comparatively  late  development  of  the 
cult' 

We  have  dwelt  on  these  meagre  data  because 
they  have  been  made  the  foundation  of  extra- 
ordinarily bold  assertions.  Thus  Loisy  gives 
the  following  summary  of  St.  Paul's  conception 
of  Jesus  Christ :  "  He  was  a  saviour-god,  after 
the  manner  of  an  Osiris,  an  Attis,  a  Mithra. 
Like   them,  he  belonged  by  his  origin  to   the 

'  Op.  cit,  p.  171. 

'^Les  Eeligions  Orientales,^  pp.  98-105  ;  see  also  Hepding, 
Attis,  199  f. 


212  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

celestial  world  ;  like  them,  he  had  made  his 
appearance  on  the  earth  ;  like  them,  he  had  ac- 
complished a  work  of  universal  redemption,  effi- 
cacious and  typical ;  like  Adonis,  Osiris,  and 
Attis,  he  had  died  a  violent  death,  and,  like  them, 
he  had  been  restored  to  life ;  like  them,  he  had 
prefigured  in  his  lot  that  of  the  human  beings 
who  should  take  part  in  his  worship,  and  com- 
memorate his  mystic  enterprise  ;  like  them,  he 
had  predestined,  prepared,  and  assured  the  salva- 
tion of  those  who  became  partners  in  his  pas- 
sion ".^  This  paragraph  implies  that  Paul's  whole 
conception  of  salvation  through  Christ  is  exactly 
parallel  to  the  central  ideas  of  the  Mystery-Ke- 
ligions.  Before  we  examine  the  question  more 
closely,  we  may  offer  the  preliminary  caution 
that  nothing  is  more  misleading  than  an  inac- 
curate use  of  terminology.^    Paul  never  speaks 

^  Hibbert  Journal,  October,  1911,  p.  51.  Cf.  Bruckner, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  36,  37 ;  Dieterich,  op.  cit,  p.  175  ff. ;  Lake, 
Earlier  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  pp.  233,  234.  G.  Murray  ac- 
cepts some  very  precarious  theories  of  Bousset  as  to  pre- 
Christian  "Redeemers"  {op.  cit.,  pp.  143,  144). 

2  "  We  may  speak  of  'the  vespers  of  Isis  '  or  of  a  '  Last 
Supper  of  Mithra  and  his  companions,'  but  only  in  the  sense 
in  which  one  talks  of  .  .  .  'the  socialism  of  Diocletian  '.  .  .  . 
A  word  is  not  a  demonstration  "  (Cumont,  op.  cit.,  p.  xiii.). 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS         213 

of  Jesus  as  a  "  saviour-god  ".  For  him  there 
is  one  God,  ^'  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ ".  In  Jesus  the  redeeming  love  of  God  is 
brought  near  to  men  (Gal.  ii.  20  ;  iv.  4,  5).  Nor 
is  it  legitimate  to  call  Osiris  or  Attis  "  saviour- 
gods  "  in  the  sense  in  which  "  Saviour  "  was  applied 
by  Paul  to  Jesus.  Paul  knew  Jesus  as  an  his-  ^ 
torical  Person  who,  as  the  result  of  boundless 
devotion  to  the  good  of  His  brethren,  suffered  a 
shameful  death,  from  which  He  did  not  flinch, 
in  loyalty  to  His  Father's  purpose,  so  that  this 
death  became  to  men  the  very  pledge  of  the 
unspeakable  love  of  God  and  the  forgiveness  of 
sins.  Osiris  and  Attis  were  originally  mytho- 
logical personifications  of  the  processes  of  vege- 
tation. The  legends  of  their  deaths  have  nothing 
to  do  with  a  purpose  of  spiritual  redemption. 
There  is  no  parallel  between  the  New  Testament  ,j 
narrative  of  the  Incarnation,  which  meant  so  < 
much  for  Paul,  and  the  myths  which  recount 
their  history.  It  is  a  caricature  to  compare  the 
story  of  the  murder  of  Osiris  or  the  self-destruc- 
tion of  Attis  with  that  of  the  self-sacrificing  death 
of  Jesus.     Nor  is  any  real  comparison  possible 

See  also  some  vigorous  paragraphs  in  Schweitzer,  Gesch.  d. 
Paulin,  Forschung,  pp.  151,  152. 


214  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTKAL  CONCEPTIONS 

between  the  New  Testament  view  of  the  resur- 
rection of  Jesus  and  the  restoration  to  life  of 
these  mythical  divine  persons.  In  the  one 
case,  the  disciples  of  Jesus  were  raised  from 
despair  to  a  victorious  joy  a  few  days  after  the 
crucifixion  which  had  blighted  all  their  hopes,  by 
an  experience  of  their  risen  Lord  which,  however 
much  it  may  elude  attempts  at  explanation,  can 
never  be  resolved  into  a  subjective  fancy  of 
Peter's,  gradually  kindling  the  hearts  of  his  com- 
panions, and  finally  constituting  the  basis  of  the 
Christian  Church.  The  world-transforming  effect 
demands  a  more  elemental  cause.  And  only  such 
a  cause  is  in  harmony  with  the  Jesus  of  the 
Gospels.  The  return  to'  life  of  Osiris  and  Attis 
is  embodied  in  grotesque  myths,  and  these  be- 
come the  centre  of  an  elaborate  ritual,  through 
which  there  is  conveyed  to  their  votaries  the 
hope  of  immortality.  There  is  no  true  analogy, 
moreover,  between  the  New  Testament  idea  of  a 
fellowship  in  the  sufferings  of  Christ  and  that 
ritual  sympathy  with  the  goddesses  who  mourned 
the  loss  of  Osiris  and  Attis,  or  with  the  woes  of 
these  deified  beings  themselves.  In  the  former, 
self-sacrificing  devotion  which  shrinks  from  no 
hardship  is  the  core  of  the  experience.     Those 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS         215 

who  are  constrained  by  the  love  of  Christ  dedi- 
cate their  lives  to  His  obedience.  But  this  is 
not  ritual.  It  means  a  new  moral  attitude 
to  the  world  and  to  God.  It  is  an  assent  of  the 
will  to  that  estimate  of  things  which  is  involved 
in  the  cross  of  Christ.  It  is  an  identifying  of 
themselves  with  the  position  of  the  Crucified 
who  triumphed  over  human  sin  in  its  most  awful 
manifestation,  without  faltering  in  loyalty  to  His 
redemptive  mission.  The  latter  is  the  result 
of  sensuous  impressions  more  or  less  artificially 
produced.  It  is  stimulated  by  the  blare  of  ex- 
citing music,  by  frenzied  dances,  and  by  orgies 
of  savage  self-mutilation.  It  depends  on  an 
elaborate  machinery  of  pompous  processions, 
ascetic  prescriptions,  a  ceremonial  celebrated  at 
dead  of  night,  when  the  darkness  was  suddenly 
illuminated  by  the  flashing  of  a  torch.  Hence  a 
foundation  is  wholly  lacking  for  Loisy's  conclu- 
sion :  "  These  are  analogous  conceptions,  dreams 
of  one  family,  built  on  the  same  theme  with 
similar  imagery  ".^ 

But  we  must  now  attempt  to  discover  what 
relationship,  if  any,  exists  between  Paul's  stand- 
point and  the  central  Mystery-doctrine  of  Re- 
^Loc.  cit.j  p.  52. 


216  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

generation  (involving  salvation  or  deification) 
through  communion  with  deity.  To  begin  with, 
we  are  not  at  liberty  to  identify  their  respec- 
tive ideas  of  salvation.  For  the  Mystery- 
Religions  o-o)Tr]pLa  has  primarily  in  view  the 
pressure  of  those  burdens  (such  as  fate,  necessity, 
etc.)  which  are  involved  in  the  limitations  of 
earthly  life,  and  especially  the  dark  shadow  of 
death.  In  the  Osiris-cult,  at  least,  the  immortal 
life  beyond  the  grave  is  pictured  in  the  precise 
form  of  the  bodily  life,^  as  was  that  of  Osiris 
himself.  What  the  conception  of  the  eternal 
future  meant  for  the  Cybele-Attis  cult  it  is  im- 
possible to  determine.  The  deification  which 
was  the  goal  in  the  Hermetic  doctrine  seems 
certainly  to  have  been  clothed  in  a  more  spiritual 
guise.  But  it  is  important  to  note  that  o-oiT-qpia 
was  invariably  assured  "  by  the  exact  perform- 
ance of  sacred  ceremonies  ".^  Hence  it  was  in- 
variably conceived  as  a  character  indelehilis,^ 
Above  all,  it  did  not  necessarily  involve  a  new 
moral  ideal.  "  We  have  no  reason  to  think,"  says 
Prof.  Percy  Gardner,  "  that  those  who  claimed 

^  See,  e.g.,  Bruckner,  op.  cit.^  p.  29. 

*  Cumont,  op.  cit.,  p.  xxii. 

^  Cf.  Anrich,  Das  antike  Mysterienwesen,  p.  54. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS         217 

salvation  through  Isis  or  Mithras  were  much 
better  than  their  neighbours.  They  felt  secure  of 
the  help  of  their  patron-deity  in  the  affairs  of  life 
and  in  the  future  world  ;  but  they  did  not  there- 
fore live  at  a  higher  level."  ^ 

Paul's  conception  of  acoTrjpia  is  many-sided. 
Like  all  his  regulative  ideas  it  has  direct  connec- 
tions with  the  Old  Testament,  and  denotes  that 
Messianic  salvation  which  is  the  consummation 
of  God's  redeeming  purpose  for  His  people.  Again 
and  again  in  the  LXX  crcoTrjpia  is  the  translation 
of  nintrf'^  or  n^^tzfn,  which  was  a  current  Mes- 
sianic  idea.  The  term  includes  deliverance  both 
from  material  and  spiritual  ills.  In  Paul,  along 
with  its  cognate  verb  o-w^w  (which  he  uses  far 
more  frequently  than  the  noun),  it  is  always 
spiritual,^  and  associated  with  the  good  news 
of  God  in  Christ.  But  as  the  Apostle  made  no 
distinction  between  physical  and  spiritual  in  his 
conception  of  death  as  the  consequence  of  sin, 
acoT-qpia  involves  immortal  life  in  the  profoundest 
sense  of  the  phrase,  an  ethical  quite  as  distinctly 

^  Religious  Experience  of  St.  Paid,  p.  87. 

2  Probably  Phil.  i.  19  means  acquittal  for  Paul  in  his  trial, 
but  that  also  he  regards  as  ultimately  the  working  of 
God. 


218  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTKAL  CONCEPTIONS 

as  a  metaphysical  reality,  a  sharing  in  the 
Divine  life  which  for  him  is  primarily  love  and 
holiness.  The  best  illustration  of  the  meaning 
of  the  idea  for  Paul  occurs  in  Romans  v. 
8-10 :  "  God  proves  his  own  love  towards  us 
because  while  we  were  still  sinners  Christ  died 
for  us.  Much  more,  therefore,  having  been  jus- 
tified now  by  his  blood,  we  shall  be  saved  from 
the  wrath  [the  final  eschatological  reaction  of  the 
Divine  nature  against  sin]  through  him.  For  if 
when  we  were  enemies  we  were  reconciled  to 
God  by  the  death  of  his  Son,  much  more,  having 
been  reconciled,  we  shall  be  saved  by  his  life." 
The  atmosphere  of  crcoTrjpCa  in  Paul  is  the  love  of 
God  revealed  to  men  in  the  Cross  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Everything  in  it  goes  back  to  that.  And  this 
background  reveals  the  essential  difference  be- 
tween it  and  the  o-coTrjpLa  of  the  Mystery-Re- 
ligions. Further,  acorrjpCa,  in  Paul's  usage,  is 
from  the  very  nature  of  the  case  charged  with 
moral  implications.  The  mercy  of  God  in  Christ 
lays  claims  upon  men.  They  are  under  obliga- 
tion {6<f)€Lk€Tai)  "not  to  live  according  to  the 
flesh '^  (Rom.  viii.  12).  "The  love  of  Christ 
constrains  us  .  .  .  that  they  who  live  should  live 
110  longer  to  themselves,  but  to  him  who  died 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGIONS         219 

for  them  and  was  mised  "  (2  Cor.  v.  14,  15). 
Here  again  we  move  among  a  different  group  of 
ideas  from  those  of  the  Mystery-Religions.  We 
are  far  from  denying  all  moral  influence  to  ini- 
tiation. There  is  at  least  some  evidence  to  the 
contrary.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  there  was  no 
necessary  connection  between  the  mystical  ex- 
periences and  a  changed  ethical  standard.  A 
further  point  must  be  emphasised.  In  Romans 
i.  16,  Paul  declares  that  his  Gospel,  the  good 
news  of  God's  forgiveness  in  Christ  the  crucified, 
is  "  the  power  of  God  resulting  in  salvation  for  ^r-Ot 
every  one  that  believes  ".  Salvation  is  given  to 
faith.  And  faith  for  Paul  means  personal  sur- 
render to  the  "  Son  of  God  who  loved  me  and 
gave  himself  for  me  "  (Gal.  ii.  20). 

How,  then,  does  Paul  conceive  this  salvation 
to  be  mediated  to  the  believer  ?  His  words 
in  Romans  v.  5  are  decisive  :  "  Our  hope  [i.e.,  of 
the  final  salvation,  which  he  has  described  as 
7)  Sofa  Tov  deov]  cannot  put  us  to  shame,  because 
the  love  of  God  has  been  poured  out  in  our 
hearts  through  the  Holy  Spirit  which  has  been 
given  to  us  ".  Another  way  of  expressing  the 
same  fact  occurs  in  Romans  viii.  16  :  "  The  Spirit 
himself  bears  witness  with  our  spirit  that  we  are 


220  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

children  of  God  ",     The  gift  of  the  Spirit  is  the 
Divine  response  to  faith.  ^ 

Here  we  are  brought  into  the  heart  of  PauFs 
conception  of  the  New  Life.  For  him,  as  for  the 
Mystery -Religions,  regeneration  is  intimately 
related  to  communion  with  the  Divine.  He 
does  not  happen  to  use  the  term  avayevvacrOaL  (or 
cognates).  But  there  is  scarcely  even  a  difference 
of  metaphor  in  his  affirmation  :  "  If  any  one  is  in 
Christ,  he  is  a  new  creation  (fcati/r)  KTio-is)  :  old 
things  have  passed  away,  behold,  new  things 
have  come  into  being  "  (2  Cor.  v.  17  ;  similarly, 
Gal.  vi.  15,  "  Neither  circumcision  is  of  any  value 
nor  uncircumcision  but  a  new  creation  ").  But 
before  we  look  briefly  at  Paul's  idea  of  com- 
munion with  Christ,  it  must  be  noted  how  this, 
like  everything  else  in  the  sphere  of  salvation, 
stands  out  against  the  background  of  the  Cross. 
The  words  we  have  just  quoted  rest  on  the  judg- 
ment that  "  one  died  for  all  "  (ver.  14).  And 
the   very  next   affirmation   is  :    "  Now  all   this 

^Cf.  Weinel,  Biblische  Theologie  d.  N.T.,  p.  318:  "We 
can  see  clearly  that  this  doctrine  of  the  Spirit  and  of  Christ 
in  the  believer  is  not  mere  theory,  not  an  imitation  of  Mys- 
tery-doctrine, but  inmost  personal  experience  metaphysically 
interpreted  after  the  manner  of  his  time  ". 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-EELIGIONS         221 

comes  from  God  who  reconciled  us  to  himself 
through  Christ "  (ver.  18).  So  that  in  Paul  we 
dare  not  isolate  the  thought  of  communion  with 
Christ  from  the  demonstration  of  the  Divine  Love 
in  the  Crucified.  The  significance  of  the  living 
Lord  for  the  Apostle  lies  in  the  fact  that  this  is 
He  who  loved  men  and  gave  Himself  for  them. 
Dr.  Denney  does  strict  justice  to  Paul's  stand- 
point when  he  says  that  for  him  Christianity 
*'  consists,  first  and  last,  of  experiences  generated 
in  the  believer  by  the  Cross.  .  .  .  Whatever  it 
may  be  proper  to  say  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  or 
of  union  to  Christ,  or  incorporation  in  Him, 
must  be  said  on  the  basis  of  such  experiences 
and  within  their  limits."  ^  This  reveals  at  a 
glance  the  impassable  cleft  between  Paul  and 
the  Mystery-Eeligions  in  their  central  experi- 
ences. 

It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  PauFs  most 
characteristic  description  of  the  believer's  rela- 
tion to  Christ  is  eV  Xpio-rw  ehai.  It  is  really 
only  a  variant  expression  when  he  speaks  of 
Xpto-Tos  eV  rjixLP.  And  often  a  distinction  can 
scarcely  be  drawn  between  this  and  to  Trvevfjua 
iv  rffuv.  The  phrase  is  sufficiently  indefinite  to 
'  Expositor,  vi.,  4,  pp.  310,  311. 


222  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTRAL  CONCEPTIONS 

permit  a  large  freedom  of  interpretation.  Not 
to  speak  of  the  purely  sensuous  explanation  of 
Dieterich/  or  Heitmiiller's  elusive  designation  of 
the  relation  as  "  physical- hyperphysical,"^  it 
seems  to  us  precarious  to  go  even  as  far  as 
Deissmann  has  gone  in  emphasising  the  "local '' 
element  in  the  thought.^  The  Apostle  is 
surely  using  the  language  dear  to  mystics  of  all 
ages,  which  transcends  spatial  categories.  The 
key  to  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  is  found  in 
some  of  Paul's  most  passionate  words,  e.g., 
Galatians  ii.  20:  "No  longer  do  I  live,  but 
Christ  lives  in  me  :  as  for  the  life  I  now  live  in 
the  flesh,  I  live  by  faith,  faith  in  the  Son  of 
God  who  loved  me  " ;  and  Philippians  iii.  8  f. : 
"  Christ  Jesus  my  Lord,  for  whom  I  suffered  the 
loss  of  all  things,  and  do  count  them  but  refuse 
that  I  may  win  Christ  and  be  found  in  him,  not 
having  a  righteousness  of  my  own,  that  which  is 
from  the  law,  but  that  which  is  through  faith  in 
Christ,  the  righteousness  which  is  from  God  on 

1  Op.  cit,  pp.  109, 110. 

^  Taufe  und  Abendmahl  bei  Paulus,  p.  20. 

^ "  Dwelling  in  a  pneuma-element  which  may  be  compared 
to  the  air  "  {Die  neutestamentUche  Formel  "  in  Christo  Jesu," 
p.  98). 


OF  THE  MYSTEKY-KELIGIONS         223 

the  ground  of  faith  ".  These  passages,  and  many 
others  which  might  be  adduced,  make  it  clear 
that  Faith,  in  PauFs  far-reaching  sense  of  a 
personal  surrender  of  the  life,  is  the  proper 
basis  of  this  unspeakably  intimate  relation  of 
the  soul  to  Christ.^  In  the  Mystery-Religions 
there  is  no  conception  which  can  be  com-  | 
pared  with  this.^  Not  only  so ;  it  recalls  the 
thoroughly  ethical  character  of  Paul's  mysti- 
cism. This  is  no  vague  absorption  in  the  supra- 
sensible  Reality.  It  is  a  personal  relationship 
established  by  adoring  trust  in  and  devotion  to 
Him  in  whom  Paul  has  reached  the  possibility 
of  a  life  which  shall  be  "  right "  with  God.  The 
passage  we  have  just  quoted  from  Philippians 
is  a  striking  testimony  to  that  aspect  of  his 
religion.^ 

^  So  also  Pfleiderer,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  Paulinism, 
E.  Tr.,  i.,  p.  199.  In  our  judgment,  Pfleiderer  shows  a  much 
surer  insight  into  Paul's  thought  in  this  early  work  than  in 
any  of  his  later  writings. 

*  Reitzenstein's  brief  note  on  the  Hellenistic  conception 
of  TTio-Tts  {H.M.B.j  p.  85)  does  little  more  than  reveal  its 
meagreness. 

^But  Paul's  mysticism  seems  to  mean  something  more 
than  "a  relation  of  ethical  harmony,"  in  which  Prof. 
Pringle-Pattison  finds  the   real  truth  of    the    mystical   ex- 


224  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

We  do  not  require  to  dwell  on  the  assertion, 
often  made,  that  Paul's  is  a  Christ-mysticism 
rather  than  a  God-mysticism.  The  distinction 
must  count  for  little  in  view  of  a  statement  like 
Colossians  iii.  3 :  "  Your  life  is  hid  with  Christ 
in  God  ".  Of  more  importance  is  the  relation  of 
the  Spirit  to  this  experience.  As  we  have  seen, 
the  Apostle  seems  here  and  there  at  least  to  use 
Christ  and  the  Spirit  as  synonyms.  The  most 
notable  case  is  2  Corinthians  iii.  17 :  "Now  the 
Lord  is  the  Spirit :  and  where  the  Spirit  of  the 
\  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty ".  Perhaps  the  most 
direct  application  of  this  idea  to  our  subject 
is  1  Corinthians  vi.  17  :  "  He  that  is  joined 
(KoWcjixevos)  to  the  Lord  is  one  spirit".  But 
in  this  aspect  also,  the  moral  implications  of 
the  mystic  fellowship  are  made  prominent :  the 
"  life  "  and  "  power  "  which  are  the  tokens  of  the 
Spirit's  presence  are  essentially  ethical.  Pos- 
session of  the  Spirit  means  the  free,  unhampered 
relation  of  the  child  to  the  Father,  e.g.,  Romans 
viii.  15 :  "  You  did  not  receive  the  spirit  of 
bondage  again  resulting  in  fear  [the  character- 
istic  of   their  religious   experience  as   pagans], 

perience  (art.  "Mysticism,"  Encyc.  Brit,  ed.  9,  vol.  xvii., 
p.  129). 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS         225 

but  you  received  the  spirit  of  adoption  by  which 
we  cry,  Abba,  Father"  (c/  Galatians  iv.  6). 
That  relationship  by  its  very  raison  dJUre  for- 
bids any  compromise  with  evil ;  Galatians  v. 
16-24  is  decisive  :  "  Walk  by  the  Spirit  and  you 
shall  not  fulfil  the  lusts  of  the  flesh,"  etc.  In 
this  connection  Paul  lets  us  see  clearly  what  he 
means  by  *'  Hfe  "  ;  e,g,,  Romans  viii.  13  :  "  If  you 
by  the  Spirit  put  to  death  the  deeds  of  the  body 
( =  "  the  works  of  the  flesh,"  Gal.  v.  19),  you  shall 
live".  These  positions  once  more  reveal  the 
diff'erence  of  atmosphere  between  Paul  and  the 
Mystery-cults. 

It  is  in  this  light  that  we  must  briefly 
examine  his  statements  regarding  death  and  re- 
surrection with  Christ,  on  which  so  much  stress 
has  been  laid  by  those  who  find  in  Paul  the 
direct  influence  of  Mystery-conceptions.  The 
passages  usually  selected  to  establish  this  in- 
fluence are  those  which  speak  of  "  being  baptised 
into  the  death  of  Christ,"  or,  "  being  buried  with 
him  in  baptism  ".  There  are,  however,  only  two 
which  are  really  relevant :  Romans  vi.  3,  4,  and 
Colossians  ii.  12.  We  must  consider  these,  along 
with  1  Corinthians  xii.  13,  and  Galatians  iii.  27, 

which  are   closely  akin  to  them,  in  our  next 

15 


226  ST.  PAUL  AND  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

chapter  on  Baptismal  Rites.  But  the  great  bulk 
of  Paul's  utterances  concerning  death  with  Christ 
have  no  reference  whatever  to  baptism.  Thor- 
oughly typical  is  Galatians  ii.  19:  "I  through 
the  law  died  to  the  law  that  I  might  live  to  God. 
I  have  been  crucified  with  Christ."  The  same 
conception  appears  in  Eomans  vii.  4  :  "  You  also 
were  made  dead  to  the  law  through  the  body  of 
Christ ".  So  also  Eomans  vi.  6  :  "  Knowing  this, 
that  our  old  man  was  crucified  with  him  that  the 
body  of  sin  might  be  done  away,  that  so  we 
should  no  longer  be  in  bondage  to  sin " ;  ^  and 
Galatians  vi.  14 :  "  God  forbid  that  I  should 
glory  save  in  the  cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
through  which  (or,  whom)  the  world  has  been 
crucified  unto  me,  and  I  unto  the  world  ".  The 
thought  occurs  with  different  expression  in  Col- 
ossians  i.  21,  22 :  "  You,  being  in  time  past 
alienated  and  enemies  in  your  mind  in  your 
evil  works  yet  now  hath  he  reconciled  in  the 
body  of  his  flesh  through  death,  to  present  you 
holy  and  without  blemish  ".  Colossians  ii.  20  is 
also  important:  "If  you  died  with  Christ  from 
the   elements  (crroixeta)  of   the   world,  why,  as 

iThis  passage  is  quite  independent  of  the  reference  to 
baptism  which  occurs  earlier  in  the  chapter. 


OF  THE  MYSTEEY-KELIGIONS         227 

thongh  living  in  the  world,  do  you  subject  your- 
selves to  ordinances  ? "  We  do  not,  of  course, 
deny  the  connection  between  this  passage  and 
the  reference  to  baptism  in  ii.  12.  But  its  true 
explanation  is  found  in  ii.  14,  15 :  "  Having 
blotted  out  the  bond  written  in  ordinances  that 
was  against  us  .  .  .  and  he  hath  taken  it  out  of 
the  way,  nailing  it  to  the  cross,  having  despoiled 
(or  stripped  off  himself)  the  principalities  and  the 
powers  ".  Whatever  be  the  significance  of  baptism 
for  Paul,  the  conspectus  of  passages  before  us 
plainly  shows  that  when  he  speaks  of  the  be- 
liever as  "  dying  with  Christ,"  he  has  the  quite 
definite  idea  of  identification  with  the  relation 
toward  sin  of  the  crucified  Redeemer,  the  identi- 
fication which  he  sums  up  in  the  memorable 
words  of  Philippians  iii.  10,  o-vft/x^o/o^t^d^ei/os  tS 
Oai/drco  avTov.  There  is  not  a  suggestion  of 
baptism  in  the  whole  context  of  the  verse. 
The  correlative  to  this  idea  is,  of  course,  living 
with  Christ,  rising  with  Christ,  or  (as  in  Philip- 
pians iii.  10),  "knowing  the  power  of  his  re- 
surrection ". 

Now,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  the  central 
Pauline  conception  which  we  have  just  ex- 
amined has  no  real  equivalent  in  the  Mystery- 


228  CENTEAL  CONCEPTIONS 

Religions.  Even  if  we  ventured  to  assert, 
with  some  scholars,  on  the  basis  of  the  very 
meagre  extant  evidence,  that  the  initiates  in 
the  mystic  cults  regarded  themselves  as  having 
died  with  the  Divine  persons  whose  restora- 
tion to  life  they  celebrated,  it  is  perfectly  obvious 
that  the  death  of  which  Paul  speaks  is  something 
wholly  different.  It  is  exclusively  a  death  to  sin, 
and  its  correlative  is  a  life  to  holiness  in  the  most 
ethical  sense  conceivable.  The  ceremonial  dedi- 
cation to  a  deity  whose  ritual,  based  on  the  re- 
vival of  life  in  the  world  of  nature,  suggests  the 
soul-kindling  prospect  of  a  life  beyond  the  grave, 
could  very  naturally  be  described  as  a  dying  to 
the  ignorant  past,  and  the  entrance  on  a  new  life 
of  hope.  But  it  requires  an  unusually  daring 
imagination  to  fill  these  terms  in  the  Mystery- 
cults  with  the  profound  ethical  content  which 
they  held  for  St.  Paul.  We  admit  a  certain  kin- 
ship in  the  imagery,  but  this  imagery  has  been 
the  common  property  of  mystics  and  philosophers 
and  preachers  throughout  the  ages. 


CHAPTER  VI 

BAPTISMAL  BITES 

Rites  of  purification  were  common  to  all  ancient 
religions.  One  of  the  best-known  features  in  the 
Eleusinian  Mysteries  was  the  bath  of  cleansing 
in  the  sea  (aXaSe  /xvo-rat).  The  Orphic  rule  of 
life  was  based  on  an  elaborate  cathartic  ritual. 
In  the  account  of  the  initiation  of  Lucius  into 
the  Mysteries  of  Isis  (ApuL,  Metamorph,,  xi.,  20), 
an  ablution  precedes  the  central  rites.  Part  of 
this  ceremony  consisted  in  sprinkling  the  neo- 
phyte. The  ritual  of  sprinkling  was  apparently 
current  in  Egypt.  A  similar  ceremonial  is  men- 
tioned in  Livy's  description  of  the  Bacchanalia. 
No  doubt  the  idea  of  regeneration  was  associated 
with  these  lustrations,  as,  indeed,  TertuUian  {De 
Bapt.j  5)  distinctly  affirms.  But  our  knowledge 
of  the  baptismal  rites  of  the  Mystery-Religions  is 
meagi'e  in  the  extreme.  One  or  two  significant 
facts  may  be  noted.      No  trace  remains  of  the 

baptism  of  the  initiated  "  into  the  name  ''  of  any 

(229) 


230  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

of  the  Mystery-deities,  although  the  cult-action 
may  have  formed  part  of  a  definite  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  deity  in  question.  Nor  is  there  any 
hint  that  the  influence  of  the  Divine  Trz/eO/Lta,  a 
feature  which  we  have  seen  to  be  current  in 
mystic  doctrine,  was  ever  connected  with  the 
ritual  of  lustration.  Lietzmann,  Heitmtiller,  and 
others  have  laid  strong  emphasis  on  the  fact  that 
Paul  links  the  rite  of  baptism  to  the  experience 
of  death  and  resurrection  with  Christ,  and  would 
refer  the  connection  to  the  hints  of  a  dying  to 
live  which  they  profess  to  find  in  the  Mystery- 
cults.^  We  have  already  examined  the  evidence 
in  detail,  and  have  noted  its  scantiness.  And  we 
have  endeavoured  to  show  that  the  background 
and  atmosphere  of  the  Pauline  conceptions  of 
death  and  resurrection  with  Christ  are  so  incon- 
gruous with  the  Mystery-ritual  as  to  rob  of  their 
validity  any  parallels  which  may  be  adduced. 
The  ceremony  of  the  taurobolium,  by  far  the  most 
striking  analogy  that  can  be  cited,  we  found, 
on  the  authority  of  experts  like  Cumont  and 
Hepding,  to  be  inadmissible  as  evidence  for  our 
period.  We  must  deal  with  Paul's  view  of 
Baptism  in  detail.  It  may  be  noted  that  one 
^  See  Lietzmann's  excursus,  Bomerhriefy  pp.  30,  31. 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  231 

remarkable  passage  has  been  found  in  a  Paris 
Papyrus  (No.  47),  in  which  it  is  possible  to  con- 
nect aiTodavelv  directly  with  PaTTTit.eo'Oai.  The 
words  occur  in  a  letter  from  Apollonius,  a  novice 
in  the  temple  of  Serapis  at  Memphis,  to  his 
spiritual  director  Ptolemseus.  He  reproaches 
Ptolemseus  and  the  gods  for  delaying  his  full 
initiation,  and  apparently  quotes  some  expres- 
sions that  Ptolemseus  had  used  in  reference  to 
a  warning  dream  which  had  come  to  him.  The 
closing  words  of  the  quotation  are  :  /cat  ov 
SvuoifjL€0a  aTTodaveiv,  kolv  lSt}^  otl  //.eXXo/xei'  orcoOrjvaL^ 
t6t€  fiaTTTL^cofieOa.  The  mingling  of  Ptolemaeus' 
words  with  the  writer's  own  has  made  the  sen- 
tence read  clumsily.  In  Die  heUenistischen  Mys- 
terienreligionen,^  Reitzenstein  interpreted  "  we 
cannot  die  "  of  Ptolemseus'  warning  that  death 
is  the  penalty  of  premature  initiation.  Then 
Apollonius  speaks  in  person  :  "  If  you  see  \i.e.,  in 
a  dream]  that  we  are  destined  to  attain  salva- 
tion, then  we  may  proceed  to  baptism  ".  Reit- 
zenstein  pointed  out  the  exact  parallel  between 
this  and  the  experience  of  Lucius  at  Cenchrese. 
There  his  spiritual  father,  Mithras,  informs  Lucius 
that  death  is  the  punishment  for  those  who  go 
1  Pp.  77  f. 


232  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

forward  to  initiation  without  the  call  of  the  god- 
dess. When  he  has  seen  in  a  dream  that  salvation 
is  destined  for  Lucius,  he  admits  him  to  initiation, 
of  which  baptism  is  a  preliminary  stage.  Now,^ 
however,  Eeitzenstein  takes  airodavelv  as  synony- 
mous with  fia7rTLt,(ofie0aj  admitting,  indeed,  that 
this  is  the  only  trace  of  such  a  conception  of 
baptism  in  Hellenism,  and  illustrating  the  idea 
from  Herodotus'  account  of  the  sacred  honours 
paid  to  the  bodies  of  those  drowned  in  the  Nile. 
His  earlier  interpretation  appears  to  us  far  more 
probable  from  the  whole  character  of  the  passage 
and  the  striking  parallels  which  can  be  adduced 
from  the  Isis-Mysteries.  In  any  case,  it  is  obvious 
that  the  later  hjrpothesis  rests  on  the  slenderest 
of  foundations.  Reitzenstein  himself  allows 
that  the  words  cannot  be  explained  with  any 
certainty.^ 

Prof.  Lake,  in  his  recent  Earlier  Epistles  of 
St,    Paul,    holding    that    the    average    Gentile 


^  Zeitschr.f.  N.T.  Wiss.,  1912,  1,  p.  9  f. 

^The  passage  is  interpreted  on  totally  different  lines  by 
Prof.  Milligan  in  his  Greek  Papyri,  p.  22.  He  translates 
fiaTTTL^wfiiOa  by  "  immersed  in  trouble  ".  But  Beitzenstein's 
rendering  seems  more  intelligible  for  the  context  as  a  whole. 

/ 


BAPTISMAL  KITES  235 

Godfearer  regarded  the  Christianity  presented 
to  him  by  Paul  and  his  fellow-workers  as  a 
Mystery-Religion,  goes  the  length  of  attributing 
the  antinomianism  which  the  Apostle  has  to 
combat  to  the  Gentile-Christian's  view  of  baptism 
"as  an  opits  operatum  which  secured  his  ad- 
mission into  the  Kingdom  apart  from  the  char- 
acter of  his  future  conduct,"^  and  he  credits  v 
Paul  himself  with  a  similar  magical  conception.^ 
Now  as  to  the  nature  of  the  antinomianism 
which  caused  the  great  missionary  such  sore 
anxiety,  we  have  his  own  testimony,  and  it  takes 
a  wholly  different  direction  from  Prof.  Lake's 
hypothesis.  Thus,  in  Eomans  iii.  6-8,  the  anti- 
nomian  argues  for  his  own  unrighteousness  that 
it  "  commends  the  righteousness  of  God "  :  the 
truth  of  God,  through  his  falsehood,  redounds  to 
the  Divine  glory.  His  watchword  is  :  "  Let  us 
do  evil  that  good  may  come,"  and  his  whole 
position  is  summed  up  in  Romans  vi.  1  :  "  Shall 
we  remain  in  sin  in  m^der  that  grace  may  abound  ?  " 
What  Paul  means  by  grace  is  perfectly  clear 
from  the  discussion  in  chapter  v.  It  is  certainly  (Vt^ 
not  baptism,  but  the  forgiveness  of  sins  through 
faith  in  Christ  Jesus.  And  the  tendency  of  the 
1  Op.  cit.,  p.  46.  ^Ibid.,  p.  385. 


234  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

antinomian  is  to  take  advantage  of  the  mercy  of 
God,  because  it  is  utterly  inexhaustible.  We 
believe  that  Prof.  Lake  is  equally  wide  of  the 
mark  in  asserting  that,  for  Paul,  baptism  was 
"  a  mystery  or  sacrament  which  works  ex  opere 
operato".  And  we  must  now  investigate  the 
available  data. 

We  venture  to  think  that  one  of  the  chief 
\  impressions  left  upon  the  careful  reader  of  the 
'  Epistles  must  be  that  of  the  Apostle's  detach- 
ment from  ritual  in  every  shape  and  form.  If 
"  sacramental  teaching  is  central  in  the  primitive 
Christianity  to  which  the  Roman  Empire  began 
to  be  converted,"  ^  it  is  certainly  astonishing  to 
find  such  scanty  references  to  it  in  letters,  some 
of  the  most  important  of  which  were  addressed 
to  Christian  communities  which  Paul  had  never 
visited.  It  is  absurd  to  suggest  that  the  reason 
for  this  silence  lies  in  the  fact  that  "Baptism 
and  its  significance  was  common  ground  to  him 
and  all  other  Christians  ".^  This  is  not  in  accord 
with  Paul's  practice.  His  delight  is  to  come 
back  again  and  again  to  all  the  crucial  ele- 
ments in  his  own  religious  experience,  an  ex- 
perience which  was  fundamental  in  shaping  his 
^  Lake,  o^?.  cit.,  p.  385.  ^  Op.  cit.,  p.  384. 


BAPTISMAL  KITES  235 

doctrine.  Hence  we  are  in  no  way  surprised  to 
find  that  in  his  first  Epistle  to  the  Christians  at 
Corinth,  a  community  whose  *'main  feature," 
according  to  Prof.  Lake,  was  that  "they  all 
accepted  Christianity  as  a  Mystery-Religion," 
and  regarded  Jesus  as  "  the  Redeemer-God,  who 
had  passed  through  death  to  life,  and  offered 
participation  in  this  new  life  to  those  who  shared 
in  the  mysteries  [Baptism  and  the  Eucharist] 
which  He  offered,"  ^  Paul  thanks  God  that  he 
had  only  baptised  a  few  of  them.  "For,"  he 
declares,  "  Christ  sent  me  not  to  baptise,  but  to 
preach  the  Gospel,  and  that  not  with  wisdom  of 
words,  so  that  the  cross  of  Christ  might  not  be 
annulled"  (1  Cor.  i.  17).  It  is  "the  word' of 
the  cross'  which  is  "the  power  of  God  to 
those  who  are  being  saved  "  (1  Cor.  i.  18),  not  a 
"  mystery  "  of  Baptism  or  anything  else.  Prof. 
Lake  attaches  high  importance  to  1  Corinthians 
X.  1  f!'.,  where  Paul  compares  the  experiences 
of  Israel  in  the  wilderness  to  Baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper,  as  indicating  their  central  im- 
portance for  Christianity  at  Corinth.^  We  must 
examine  the  passage  carefully  in  our  next  chapter 
on  Sacramental  Meals.  We  may  remark,  how- 
'  Op.  cit,  p.  233.  2  iiyi^^  p_  233,  note  1. 


236  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

ever,  at  this  point,  that  the  analogy  chiefly  re- 
minds us  of  the  allegorical  fancies  of  Philo.  It 
occurs  in  a  context  dealing  with  sacrificial  meals, 
so  that  it  lay  ready  to  hand.  It  certainly  cannot 
sustain  the  weight  of  the  argument  which  Prof. 
Lake  has  built  upon  it,  that  "it  is  a  warning 
against  the  view  that  Christians  are  safe  because 
they  have  been  initiated  into  the  Christian  mys- 
teries ".^  For  it  is  a  sheer  begging  of  the  question 
to  assume  that  Paul  associates  with  the  actual 
food  some  supernatural  nourishment.  He  merely 
interprets  it,  quasi-allegorically,  as  spiritual  fare, 
in  the  sense  of  being  a  special  Divine  gift,  be- 
longing to  a  history  which  is  supernaturally 
ordered.  The  curious  statement  that  "all  were 
baptised  into  Moses  "  tells  against  the  magical 
significance  which  Lake  and  others  read  into  the 
Pauline  idea  of  baptism,  for  we  cannot  conceive 
the  implication  of  some  mystic  relationship 
established  between  the  people  and  Moses  by 
these  events  in  their  history.  "All  that  can 
properly  be  asserted  is  that,  as  the  crossing  of 
the  Red  Sea  definitely  committed  the  people  to 
follow  Moses  as  their  divinely  appointed  head, 
so  baptism  is  a  definite  committal  and  consecra- 
1  Op.  oit.,  p.  177  f. 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  237 

tion  to  the  following  of  Christ."  ^  And  we  agree 
with  the  writer  just  quoted  that  the  whole  point 
of  Paul's  argument  lies  in  the  uselessness  of 
sacraments  apart  from  that  ethical  obedience  to 
which  believers  have  pledged  themselves  in  these 
sacred  ordinances. 

Accordingly,  it  is  a  true  instinct  for  facts  which 
leads  Weinel,  in  spite  of  his  emphasis  on  the 
Mystery-element  in  Paul's  religion,  to  the  some- 
what exaggerated  assertion  that  "  for  Paul  the 
sacrament  was  an  alien  body,"  and  he  very  sug- 
gestively notes  that  in  the  entire  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  "  that  document  in  which  he  sets  forth 
and  defends  his  own  conception  of  Christianity, 
only  once  does  baptism  enter  his  mind  (vi.  3  fF.), 
and  the  Lord's  Supper  not  even  once  ".^  Simi- 
larly Holtzmann,  from  the  same  general  stand- 
point, finds  an  irreducible  contradiction  between 
the  mysterious  virtue  of  the  sacrament  of  baptism 
in  Paul  and  his  conception  of  the  life-giving  Spirit 
with  its  free  activities,  bound  to  no  action  which 
can  be  assigned  to  a  given  point  of  time.^  And 
Heitmtiller  can  only  account  for  the  incongruity 

^  Lambert,  The  Sacrarnents  in  the  New  Testament,  p.  159. 
^Biblische  Theologie  d.  N.T.,  p.  330. 
» KT.  Theologie,''  ii.,  p.  198. 


238  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

by  explaining  that  Paul  had  not  himself  insti- 
tuted the  sacrament  of  baptism  but  found  it 
already  existing  in  the  Christian  society.^  Yet 
while  we  are  far  from  confining  the  outlook  of 
any  great  thinker  within  the  bounds  of  a  rigid 
logic,  this  theory  of  glaring  contradictions  in  his 
mind  is  always  apt  to  make  us  suspect  the 
legitimacy  of  crediting  him  with  the  positions  on 
which  the  judgment  is  based.  It  is  so  easy  to 
isolate  a  conception  from  the  general  context  of 
his  thinking,  and  thus  to  lay  the  emphasis  on 
the  wrong  elements.  Let  us  try  to  estimate 
Baptism  in  its  relations  to  those  features  which 
Paul  seems  to  regard  as  fundamental  in  Christian 
experience. 

It  will  be  universally  admitted  that  for  St. 
Paul,  possession  of  the  Spirit  is  the  indispens- 
able condition  of  the  Christian  life,  e.g.,  Romans 
viii.  9  :  '*  If  any  one  have  not  the  Spirit  of 
Christ,  he  does  not  belong  to  him  ".  Again  and 
again  throughout  the  Epistles  he  refers  to  this 
experience  as  crucial.  Now  if,  as  Lake  and  Heit- 
mtiller  suppose,  he  regarded  the  baptismal  rite  as 
the  actual  vehicle  by  which  salvation  was  con- 
veyed to  the  Christian,  it  would  seem  inevitable 
^  Taufe  und  Abendmahl  bei  Paulus,  1903,  p.  23. 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  239 

that  it  should  be  given  a  prominent  place  in  his 
many  references  to  the  gift  of  the  Spirit.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  only  one  passage  in 
which  they  are  brought  into  close  connection 
(1  Cor.  xii.  13),  and  it  occurs  quite  incidentally  in 
his  discussion  of  diversities  of  spiritual  gifts. 
"  For  as  the  body  is  one  and  has  many  members, 
but  all  the  members  of  the  body,  although  many, 
are  one  body,  so  also  is  Christ.  For  by  (or  in) 
one  Spirit  we  were  all  baptised  into  one  body, 
whether  Jews  or  Greeks.  .  .  .  And  we  were  all 
made  to  drink  of  one  Spirit."  The  emphasis 
here  is  placed  on  the  one  community  into  which 
they  were  admitted  on  being  baptised.  The  unity 
of  Christians  is  the  idea  which  stands  before  his 
mind.  Baptism  is  a  visible  pledge  of  this  unity 
in  Christ.  It  has  for  Paul,  as  Holtzmann  says, 
"  social  significance  ".^  It  is  of  course,  as  we 
shall  presently  see,  something  more  than  a  mere 
symbol.  And  probably  the  difficult  phrase,  ttcli/tc? 
€P  TTT/evfia  iTTOTL(T07)iiev,  does  refer  to  the  spiritual 
experiences  associated  with  baptism.  If  we  in- 
terpret the  vague  expression,  eV  ivl  wvevfiaTiy  in 
the  light  of  its  context,  it  seems  most  natural  to 
explain  it  by  means  of  verse  11  :  "  all  these  (the 
'  N.T,  Theologie^^  ii.,  p.  199. 


\ 


240  BAPTISMAL  KITES 

various  gifts)  are  wrought  by  one  and  the  same 
Spirit,  distributing  to  each  separately  according 
to  his  will ".  That  is  to  say,  the  Spirit  is  re- 
garded as  active  in  the  ordinance  of  baptism. 
But  there  is  no  suggestion  of  the  "  unmediated 
and  naked  sacramental  conception,"  which  some 
scholars  attribute  to  the  Apostle.^ 

When  Paul  speaks  of  the  reception  of  the  Spirit, 
he  is  in  the  habit  of  connecting  it  with  a  quite 
definite  group  of  experiences.  Particularly  in- 
structive is  Galatians  iii.  2,  where  this  is  the  very 
question  at  issue  :  "  Did  you  receive  the  Spirit 
as  the  result  of  keeping  law,  or  was  it  the  con- 
sequence of  the  hearing  of  faith  ?  "  The  com- 
pressed phrase  is  elaborated  in  Komans  x.  17  : 
"  So  then  faith  comes  from  hearing,  and  hearing 
through  the  word  of  Christ  ".  Similar  in  tenor  is 
Ephesians  i.  13  :  "  in  whom  [Christ]  you  also,  hav- 
ing heard  the  word  of  truth,  the  gospel  of  your 
salvation, — in  whom,  having  also  believed,  you 
were  sealed  with  the  Holy  Spirit  of  promise  ". 
We  doubt  whether  there  is  any  reference  to  bap- 
tism in  the  word  i(T(f>payLa-dr)T€.  But  if  there  were, 
it  is  obviously  not  the  experience  of  regeneration 

1  See  a  peculiarly  crass  statement  in  Schweitzer,  Oeschichte 
d.  Paulin.  Forschung,  p.  166. 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  241 

which  is  referred  to,  but  the  joyful  assurance  of 
the  new  status  in  Christ  Jesus.  In  1  Corinthians 
ii.  4,  5,  he  emphasises  the  manifestation  of  the 
power  of  the  Spirit  which  accompanied  his 
preaching  as  contrasted  with  that  lack  of  croc^ta 
for  which  some  of  the  Corinthians  censured  him, 
"  that  your  faith  might  rest  not  on  the  wisdom 
of  men  but  on  the  power  of  God  ".  Again,  in 
1  Thessalonians  ii.  13,  he  associates  the  Divine 
working  in  those  that  believe  with  their  willing 
reception  of  his  message.  And  in  the  remarkable 
words  of  1  Corinthians  iv.  15  ("In  Christ 
Jesus  I  begat  you  through  the  Gospel ")  he 
directly  attributes  their  new  life  to  the  power  of 
Christ  operating  in  the  Gospel. 

If  we  turn  to  his  profound  conception  of  fellow- 
ship with  Christ,  we  find  ourselves  in  the  same 
atmosphere.  There  are  indeed  one  or  two  im- 
portant passages  in  which  Baptism  appears  as  a 
primary  element  in  the  experience.  These  we 
shall  examine  immediately.  Meanwhile,  it  is 
worth  noting  that  the  clearest  affirmation  of 
communion  with  the  risen  Lord  which  ever  fell 
from  Paul's  lips  gives  the  same  prominence  to 
faith  as  do  his  statements  on  the  Spirit.      "  I 

through  the  law  died  to  the  law  that  I  might 

16 


242  BAPTISMAL  KITES 

live  unto  God.  I  have  been  crucified  with  Christ, 
and  no  longer  do  I  live,  but  Christ  lives  in  me. 
And  the  life  which  I  now  live  in  the  flesh,  I  live 
by  faith,  faith  in  the  Son  of  God  who  loved  me 
and  gave  himself  for  me  "  (Gal.  ii.  19,  20).  But 
this  passage  is  also  of  importance  as  showing  that 
death  with  Christ,  which  Lietzmann,  Heitmliller, 
and  others  identify  with  the  baptismal  experience, 
is  something  quite  independent  of  that. 

Here  we  enter  the  province  of  Paul's  thought 
in  which  justification,  forgiveness  of  sins,  and  the 
cross  of  Christ  are  the  ruling  ideas.  And  we 
venture  to  say,  in  flat  contradiction  of  Heit- 
mliller,^ that  these,  and  not  ''  effects  of  a  mystic- 
enthusiastic  nature,"  are  **  the  foci  of  Pauline 
piety  ".  It  is  needless  to  quote  passages  which 
prove  that  the  new  life,  which  means  for  Paul 
a  right  relation  to  God,  is  reached  along  the 
pathway  of  faith  in  Christ  crucified  and  risen  as 
the  demonstration  of  the  holy  love  of  God  in  its 
bearing  on  sinful  men.  Romans  v.  1  is  typical : 
"Therefore,  having  been  justified  by  faith,  we 
have  peace  with  God  through  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  through  whom  also  we  have  obtained 
access  into  that  grace  in  which  we  stand ". 
,         '  Op.  cit.,  p.  14. 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  243 

Everything  fundamental  for  salvation  is  to  be 
found  there.  But  PauFs  conception  of  union 
with  Christ,  which  is  supposed,  by  Heitmiiller 
for  example,  to  belong  to  the  "  physical-hyper- 
physical  "  atmosphere  of  baptism,  turns  out  to 
be  embedded  in  the  stratum  of  thought  which 
we  are  examining  ;  see,  e.g.y  Philippians  iii.  9  flf.  : 
"  That  I  may  win  Christ  and  be  found  in  him, 
not  having  mine  own  righteousness  which  is  of 
the  law,  but  that  which  is  through  faith  in  Christ, 
the  righteousness  which  is  of  God  on  account  of 
(eVi)  faith  ".  To  be  in  Christ,  that  is  to  say,  is 
for  Paul  virtually  identical  with  ^'having  the 
righteousness  of  God,"  i.e.,  being  justified,  for- 
given. Plainly,  therefore,  the  central  experiences 
of  the  Christian  life  are  for  the  Apostle  primarily 
associated  with  faith.  Now  the  first  of  these 
central  experiences  is  the  breaking  off  of  rela- 
tions with  sin.  Paul  frequently  relates  it  to 
fellowship  with  the  death  of  Christ.  "  You  died 
to  the  law  [the  regime  in  which  sin  is  active] 
through  the  body  of  Christ  "  (Kom.  vii.  4).  This 
is  expanded  in  Romans  vi.  10  fF.  :  **  In  that  he 
died,  to  sin  he  died  once  for  all  :  but  in  that  he 
lives,  he  lives  unto  God.  So  also  do  you  reckon 
yourselves  to  be  dead  to  sin  but  alive  to  God  in 


244  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

Christ  Jesus."  And  the  meaning  is  elucidated 
by  Colossians  ii.  11  :  ''In  whom  you  also  were 
circumcised  with  the  circumcision  not  made  with 
hands  in  the  stripping  off  of  the  body  of  flesh,  in 
the  circumcision  of  Christ ".  This  inward  cir- 
cumcision means  union  with  Him  who  on  the 
cross  abjured  the  flesh  and  all  its  implications. 
Obviously  the  metaphor  is  the  same  as  that  in 
Romans  ii.  29  {wepLTOfjir)  /capSia?),  and  it  seems 
impossible  to  identify  it  with  baptism,  because  it  is 
deliberately  described  as  *'  not  made  with  hands  ". 
But  here  and  in  a  few  other  places,  Paul  brings 
baptism  into  connection  with  this  death  to  sin, 
the  distinctly  Christian  attitude.  What  does  the 
connection  mean  ? 

Prof.  Lake  has  no  difficulty  in  reaching  a 
conclusion.  "The  Pauline  doctrine  of  Bap- 
tism," he  says,  "  is  that  on  the  positive  side 
it  gives  the  Christian  union  with  Christ,  which 
may  also  be  described  as  inspiration  with  the 
Holy  Spirit,  while  on  the  negative  side  it 
cleanses  from  sin.  This  is  accomplished  by  the 
power  of  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  by  the  sacramental  effect  of  water,  according 
to  the  well-known  idea  that  results  could  be 
reached  in  the  unseen  spiritual  world  by  the 
performance   of  analogous   acts   in   the   visible 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  245 

material  world."  ^  This  explanation  (which  is 
also  that  of  Heitmiiller)  stands  in  manifest  an- 
tagonism to  Paul's  unvarying  emphasis  upon  faith 
as  the  primary  factor  in  salvation,  on  the 
human  side.  Indeed  Heitmiiller  asserts  that  it  is 
not  easy  to  see  "  that,  or  how  far,  faith  can  play 
a  really  essential  part  in  the  process,"^  an  ad- 
mission which,  in  the  light  of  the  Epistles,  seems 
to  us  little  less  than  a  reductio  ad  absiirdum  of  his 
hypothesis.^  Let  us  briefly  examine  the  crucial 
passages. 

Of  fundamental  importance  is  Romans  vi.  1  flf.  : 
"  What  shall  we  then  say  ?  Shall  we  continue 
in  sin  that  grace  may  abound  ?  God  forbid.  We' 
who  died  to  sin,  how  shall  we  continue  to  live  in 
it  ?  Or  are  you  ignorant  that  all  we  who  were 
baptised  into  Jesus  Christ  were  baptised  into  his 
death?  We  were  buried,  therefore,  with  him 
through  our  baptism  into  his  death,  that,  as 
Christ  was  raised  from  the  dead  by  the  glory  of 
the  Father,  so  we  also  might  walk  in  newness  of 
life."  The  passage  can  only  be  rightly  under- 
stood from  the  argument  which  leads  up  to  it. 

^  EncyclopcBdia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  vol.  ii.,  p.  382. 

2  Op.  cit,  p.  22. 

3  See  an  admirable  paragraph  by  Wernle  in  Zeitschr.  f. 
Theol  u,  Kirche,  1912,  6,  pp.  339,  340. 


246  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

In  chapter  v.  Paul  has  shown  that  faith,  as  Unk- 
ing the  believer  to  Christ,  has  brought  him  into 
the  sphere  of  those  high  privileges  which  he 
enjoys,  experience  of  the  Divine  grace,  hope,  the 
love  of  God,  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Can  a 
faith  of  this  kind  be  accused  of  being  a  solvent 
of  right  conduct  ?  Nay,  everything  belonging  to 
justification  involves  a  break  with  sin.  Hence 
he  states  in  verse  2  the  basal  principle  of  the 
Christian  life,  ''we  who  died  to  sin".  And 
then  he  proceeds  to  show  that  entrance  into  the 
Christian  society  accentuates  and  embodies  the 
same  principle.  Baptism,  the  deliberate,  decisive 
step  which  a  man  takes  when  he  has  surren- 
dered his  life  to  Christ,  is  not  something  vague 
or  nebulous.  It  realises  the  meaning  of  Christ 
for  the  soul.  The  Christ  into  whose  name  the 
believer  is  baptised,  that  is,  whose  possession 
he  becomes,  is  the  Christ  who  was  crucified,  and 
who,  in  dying,  made  an  end  of  sin  both  for  His 
own  person  and  for  all  who  are  united  to  Him 
by  faith.  And  the  very  symbolism  of  the  rite 
is  an  impressive  picture  of  the  believer's  ex- 
periences. His  disappearance  beneath  the  water 
is  a  vivid  illustration  of  his  separation  from  the 
old  life  of  sin.     It  is  a  burial  of  the  old  existence, 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  247 

just  as  Christ's  burial  was  a  palpable  proof  that 
He  had  left  all  earthly  conditions  behind  Him. 
Emergence  from  the  baptismal  water  typifies 
entrance  into  a  new  environment,  the  life  of  the 
Christian  society  which  is  the  life  of  the  living 
Lord  Himself,  mediated  to  His  followers  by  their 
fellowship  with  Him. 

The  real  significance  of  this  new  life  in  Christ 
is  made  clear  by  the  remarkable  words  of  Co- 
lossians  ii.  13  (which  belong  to  a  baptismal  con- 
text) :  "  You  who  were  dead  by  reason  of  your 
transgressions  and  the  uncircumcision  of  your 
flesh  he  {i.e.,  God)  made  alive  with  him  (i.e., 
Christ),  having  forgiven  us  all  our  transgressions". 
Forgiveness  is  the  presupposition  of  newness  of 
life.  But  the  Romans-passage  is  evidence  that 
there  is  something  more  than  symbolism  in  the 
baptismal  celebration.  There  is  indeed  no  sugges- 
tion that  the  pronunciation  of  the  *'name"  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  "  if  properly  used,  could 
enable  the  user  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  the  attri- 
butes attached  to  the  owner  of  the  name  ".^  Nor 
is  there  any  indication  whatever  of  '*  the  sacra- 
mental effect  of  water  ".  But  a  comparison  with 
baptism  on  the  mission  field  to-day  helps  us  to 

^  So  Lake,  Encyclopcedia  of  Beligion  and  Ethics,  ii.,  p.  382, 


248  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

realise  a  situation  with  which  Paul  the  mis- 
sionary was  quite  familiar.  Whether  in  the 
early  Church,  as  Lambert  holds,  "there  was 
no  such  thing  ...  as  a  prolonged  probation  of 
the  convert  .  .  .  but  faith  and  baptism  were 
connected  with  each  other  immediately,"^  or 
whether,  as  we  believe  must  frequently  have 
happened,  there  intervened  a  period  of  instruc- 
tion,^ baptism  must  have  meant  a  decision  of 
momentous  importance  for  the  convert.  Now, 
for  the  first  time,  he  deliberately  affirmed  his 
allegiance  to  Christ  before  the  world,  and  sol- 
emnly identified  himself  with  the  Christian 
brotherhood.  This  was  the  actual  spiritual 
crisis  in  which  he  turned  his  back  upon  his 
old  associations,  faced  all  manner  of  costly 
sacrifices,  and  committed  himself,  in  utter  de- 
pendence on  the  Divine  grace  and  power,  to  a 
new  mode  of  live.  Rendtorfi"  is  fully  justi- 
fied in  saying  that  an  act  which  thus  liberated 
the  most  powerful  ethical  motives  ''became  a 
religious   experience    of    the    first    rank".^     In 

1  The  Sacraments  in  the  N.T.,  p.  172. 
'  So  also  Harnack,  Mission  and  Expansion  of  Christianity 
(Eng.  Tr.),  i.,  p.  391. 

3  Die  Taufe  im  Urchristentum,  p.  32. 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  249 

baptism  (of  course,  adult)  something  happened. 
Faith  had  been  there  before,  receptiveness  to- 
ward the  good  news  of  Christ.  The  Divine 
Spirit  had  been  ah^eady  present,  taking  of  the 
things  of  Christ  and  showing  them  to  the 
believer.  But  now,  once  for  all,  the  convert 
makes  his  own  the  movings  of  the  Divine 
love  in  his  heart.  And  thus  there  would  come 
to  him  in  his  baptism  a  wonderful  spiritual 
quickening,  a  new  enhancing  of  the  power  and 
grasp  of  faith,  a  fresh  realisation  of  communion 
with  the  once  crucified  and  now  risen  Lord. 
Hence  there  is  good  ground  for  the  statement 
of  Von  Dobschutz  that  "according  to  the  early 
Christian  view  we  may  speak  of  real  effects  of 
baptism  in  the  sense  that  here  the  person  does 
not  give  himself  something  by  his  activity,  but 
God  gives  him  what  he  has  only  to  receive  ".^ 

What  is  true  of  the  Romans-passage  holds  good 
also  for  the  rest.  "  Ye  are  all  sons  of  God,"  he 
declares  in  Galatians  iii.  26,  "  through  faith  in 
Christ  Jesus.  For  all  of  you  who  were  baptized 
into  Christ  put  on  Christ.'*  Does  this  mean  that 
their  faith  is  due  to  baptism  ?     Obviously  not, 

^See  his  most  valuable  article,  "Sacrament  und  Symbol 
im  Urohristentum,"  in  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1905,  i.,  p.  20. 


250  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

for  this  Epistle  is  as  emphatic  as  Romans  in 
regarding  faith  as  the  first  stage  in  the  relation 
of  the  soul  to  Christ.  The  Apostle's  words  can 
only  signify  that  in  the  solemn  act  of  baptism 
this  faith  is  re-charged  with  spiritual  energy  and 
indeed  reaches  its  crowning  expression.  In  such 
a  crisis,  therefore,  it  may  be  expected  to  achieve 
great  things.  And  chief  among  its  results  will 
be  an  intensified  consciousness  of  intimate  fellow- 
ship with  Christ,  a  fellowship  which  is  here  com- 
pared to  the  putting-on  of  a  garment.  Paul's 
special  object  on  this  occasion  is  to  set  forth  the 
spiritual  unity  which  springs  from  faith.  And 
baptism  is  the  sacrament  in  which  that  unity 
becomes  visible.^ 

A  similar  view  appears  in  the  difficult  pas- 
sage, Colossians  ii.  11,  12  :  ''  In  whom  [Christ] 
you  also  were  circumcised  with  a  circumcision 
not  made  with  hands  in  the  stripping  off  of  the 
body  of  flesh,  in  the  circumcision  of  Christ,  having 
been  buried  with  him  in  baptism,  in  which  (or 
in  whom)  you  were  also  raised  up  through  faith 
in  the  working  of  God,  who  raised  him  from  the 
dead  ".    Here,  as  we  have  already  noted,  it  seems 

^  See  a  suggestive  paragraph  in  Lambert,  op.  cit.f  p.  153, 
and  c/.  the  close  parallel  in  Ephesians  iv.  4-6. 


BAPTISMAL  KITES  251 

impossible  to  identify  the  "  circumcision  not  made 
with  hands  "  with  the  rite  of  baptism.  This  is 
an  inward  experience,  that  profound  fellowship 
with  Christ  crucified  (Gal.  ii.  20  ;  Rom.  vi.  6), 
that  conformity  to  His  death  (Phil.  iii.  10),  which 
means  the  doing  away  of  "  the  body  of  sin ". 
The  new  life  which  it  involves  he  associates 
directly,  in  verse  13,  with  the  forgiveness  of  sins. 
But  when  he  speaks  of  those  who  have  undergone 
this  change  as  "  buried  with  Christ  in  baptism," 
he  doubtless  has  in  view,  as  in  Romans  vi.  1  ff., 
on  the  one  hand  the  symbolism  of  the  solemn  rite 
as  showing  forth  the  completion  of  the  process, 
and  on  the  other  the  real  recognition  and  assur- 
ance of  the  new  life,  which  are  quickened  in  the 
soul  by  the  baptismal  experience.  It  is  highly 
significant  that  he  immediately  postulates  the 
presence  of  faith  as  the  psychological  medium  of 
the  life  of  Christ  in  which  they  participate.^ 

In  Ephesians  v.  26  Paul  speaks  of  Christ  as 
"  having  purified  the  church  by  the  bath  of  water 
with  the  word".  The  language  used  has  an 
obvious  reference  to  the  lustration  of  the  bride 

1  See  Lueken's  admirable  notes  ad  loc.  (in  Die  Schriftefi 
d.  N.T.^  ed.  J.  Weiss). 


252  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

before  marriage.^  The  notion  of  a  baptism  of 
the  iKKKrj(Tia  is  plainly  metaphorical.  The  most 
notable  feature  in  the  passage  is  the  phrase  eV 
pTjfjiaTLy  which  no  doubt  must  be  interpreted,  as 
in  Romans  x.  8,  17,  of  the  proclamation  of  the 
Gospel.  This  accords  with  the  place  given  to 
faith  in  the  other  passages  on  baptism  which  we 
have  examined. 

There  remain  for  consideration  two  references 
in  1  Corinthians.  In  chapter  vi.  Paul  has  been 
upbraiding  his  converts  for  going  to  law  with  their 
brethren  before  courts  presided  over  by  unrighte- 
ous men,  who  can  have  no  share  in  the  Kingdom 
of  God.  After  enumerating  glaring  forms  of  un- 
righteousness he  bursts  forth  (ver.  11) :  "  and  such 
were  some  of  you :  but  you  had  yourselves  cleansed, 
you  were  sanctified,  you  were  justified  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  by  the  Spirit  of  our 
God  ".  Not  much  can  be  based  on  so  incidental 
an  allusion.  But  probably  Lambert  is  right  in 
holding  that  the  use  of  the  middle  here  (dneXov- 
a-aa-Oe)  is  intended  '*  to  remind  them  of  the  way 
in  which  at  baptism  they  had  consciously  and 
deliberately  separated  themselves  from  the  sinful 

^  Note  the  technical  expression  Trapaa-ryayf  (ver.  27),  and 
see  Von  Soden  ad  loc.  (in  Holtzmann's  Hand-Commentar). 


BAPTISMAL  EITES  253 

world  in  which  they  previously  lived,  and  joined 
themselves  to  that  fellowship  of  the  holy  which 
was  theirs  by  right,  inasmuch  as  their  baptism, 
precisely  because  they  were  believers,  was  the 
baptism  of  men  .  .  .  already  sanctified  in  prin- 
ciple and  justified  in  fact  ".^ 

Heitmtiller  and  others  have  made  much  of 
1  Corinthians  xv.  29  as  evidence  for  a  crass  form 
of  sacramentalism  approved  by  Paul.  ''  Other- 
wise {i.e.,  if  there  be  no  resurrection)  what  shall 
they  do  who  are  baptised  on  behalf  of  the  dead  ? " 
This  curious  reference  occurs  in  a  most  varied 
series  of  arguments  for  the  resurrection.  The 
practice  must  undoubtedly  have  existed  in  cer- 
tain communities.  No  clear  analogies  have  been 
detected  in  the  Mystery- cults,  though  it  is  quite 
probable  that  it  had  its  origin  in  these.^  But  it 
is  wholly  illegitimate  to  suppose  that  because 
Paul  pronounces  no  condemnation  on  a  custom 
to  which  he  refers,  he  must  have  given  it  his  ap- 
proval. This  is  surely  a  misapprehension  of  the 
very  nature  of  an  argumentum  ad  hominem.  And 
there  is  force  in  Von  Dobschtitz's  suggestion  that 

1  Ojp.  ciL,  p.  157. 

'^The  parallels  given  by  Rendtorff,  op.  city  p.  33,  note  1, 
are  far  from  convincing. 


254  BAPTISMAL  EITES 

the  superstition  belonged  to  the  circle  of  the 
''  sceptical "  at  Corinth,  as  "  lack  of  faith  and 
superstition  come  of  the  same  lineage  ".^ 

We  may  conclude  with  a  brief  summary.  Our 
material  for  estimating  the  significance  of  bap- 
tismal rites  in  the  Mystery-Religions  is  far  too 
meagre  to  admit  of  dogmatic  conclusions.  But 
it  is  highly  probable  that  they  were  conceived  as 
working  ex  opere  operato.  An  examination  of 
Paul's  references  to  baptism  does  not  suggest 
that  in  it  we  have  a  second  principle  of  salvation, 
and  that  "  the  conception  of  justification  and  the 
forgiveness  of  sins  are  connected  with  baptism 
only  in  a  quite  cursory  fashion  ".^  On  the 
contrary,  the  faith  which  welcomes  the  Divine 
message  of  forgiveness  and  new  life  in  Christ 
crucified  and  risen  is  invariably  presupposed  as 
the  background  of  the  solemn  ritual.  It  is 
in  virtue  of  their  faith  that  converts  proceed  to 
baptism.  But  the  ordinance  is  far  more  than 
a  symbol  of  spiritual  processes.  It  is  a  sacra- 
ment, that  is,  as  Prof.  Bartlet  admirably  defines 
it,  "a  symbol  conditioning  a  present  deeper  and 
decisive  experience  of  the  Divine  grace,  already 

1  Log,  cit.,  p.  37. 

^  So  Heitmiiller,  op.  cit.,  p.  14. 


BAPTISMAL  KITES  255 

embraced  by  faith.  But  all  is  psychologically 
conditioned,  being  thereby  raised  above  the  level 
of  the  magical  or  quasi-physical  conception  of 
sacramental  grace.  "^ 

^  Encyclopcedia  of  Beligion  and  Ethics,  vol.  ii.,  p.  377. 


CHAPTER  VII 

SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

The  evidence  regarding  Sacramental  Meals  in 
the  Mystery-Religions  is  both  meagre  and  diffi- 
cult to  interpret.  Conclusions  have  been  drawn 
from  one  or  two  mystic  formulae  which  go  be- 
yond the  data.  Thus,  e.g.,  the  Eleusinian  frag- 
ment preserved  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  :  ^  "  I 
fasted,  I  drank  the  kvk€(oi/"  has  been  explained 
of  a  sacrament  in  which  the  initiated  drank  of 
the  same  cup  as  the  goddess  Demeter  in  her 
sorrow.  This  is  indeed  an  attractive  hypothesis, 
but  it  can  be  nothing  more.  A  similar  explana- 
tion has  been  given  of  the  formula  handed  down 
by  Firmicus  Maternus  ^  and  (with  variations)  by 
Clement  :^  ''I  have  eaten  out  of  the  rvfiTravop,  I 
have  drunk  out  of  the  KVfjL^aXov,  I  have  become 
an  initiate  of  Attis ".     It  is  quite  possible  that 

'Ed.  Stahlin,  i.,  p.  16,  18. 

'Ed.  Ziegler,  p.  43,  17.  H,  p.  13,  10. 

(256) 


SACEAMENTAL  MEALS  257 

these  ritual  actions  may  have  been  the  symbols 
of  the  bestowal  of  new  life,  but  there  is  no  hint 
of  how  they  became  sacramental.  Attempts 
have  been  made  to  find  a  sacramental  signifi- 
cance in  the  Dionysiac-Orphic  cults,  but  even 
Dieterich  admits  that  our  knowledge  of  the  facts 
is  altogether  inadequate  ^  for  constructing  any 
hypothesis,  although  he  himself  attempts  a 
construction  on  the  basis  of  a  fragment  from  the 
Kprjre?  of  Euripides  :  "  lengthening  out  a  life  of 
purity  from  the  day  that  I  became  an  initiate  of 
Idaean  Zeus  and  a  herdsman  of  night-roaming 
Zagreus,  a  celebrant  of  the  meal  of  raw  flesh  ".^ 
This  obviously  refers  to  the  ancient  Dionysiac 
orgies  in  which  the  frenzied  votaries  of  the  god 
flung  themselves  on  the  sacrificial  victim  and 
devoured  it  raw.  There  are  occasional  hints  of 
the  idea  that  the  victim  was  identified  with  the 
god  himself.  But  the  usage  belongs  to  a  dif- 
ferent epoch  from  that  with  which  we  are  con- 
cerned. Nevertheless,  in  the  search  of  parallels 
to  Christian  usage,  various  scholars,  notably 
Dieterich  and  Heitmliller,  have  collected  evi- 
dence from  the  most  primitive  phases  of  religion 

^Eine  Mithraslihirgie,^  p.  105. 
^  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

17 


258  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

to  illustrate  the  idea  of  communion  with  the 
god  through  feeding  upon  him.  This  ranges 
from  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico  to  the  ancient 
Egyptians  whose  rites  are  preserved  in  the 
texts  of  the  Pyramids.^  But  to  establish  the 
validity  of  their  position  it  would  be  necessary 
to  show,  first,  that  this  idea  survived  in  the 
Hellenistic  environment  of  early  Christianity, 
and  second,  that  it  forms  an  element  in  Paul's 
conception  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  Now  it  seems 
to  us  impossible  to  demonstrate  its  presence  in 
the  Mystery-ritual  itself.^  But  the  case  may  be 
different  when  we  turn  to  the  sacrificial  meals 
of  Paganism,  meals  which  had  their  counterpart 
in  the  practice  of  mystery-brotherhoods.  Per- 
haps the  chief  aim  of  these  was,  as  Cumont 
suggests,^  the  maintenance  of  communion  be- 
tween the  "brethren".  This  would  of  course 
rest  on  the  basis  of  their  common  fellowship  with 
their  deity. 

Yet  the  question  still  remains  :  How  was  that 

^  See  Eine  Mithraslitv/rgie,^  p.  100  f. ;  Heitmiiller,  Taufe 
u.  Abendmahl  bei  PauluSy  p.  40  fif. 

''See  also  Schweitzer,  Geschichte  d.  Paulin.  Forschung^ 
p.  154. 

^  Les  Beligions  Orientales,^  p.  64. 


SACKAMENTAL  MEALS  269 

fellowship  supposed  to  be  established  ?  And  it 
is  not  easy  to  answer  with  certainty.  It  is  pos- 
sible, but  by  no  means  proved,  that  in  a 
primitive  stage  of  society  the  partakers  of  the 
sacrificial  animal  believed  they  were  thereby 
partaking  of  the  very  life  of  their  deity,  either 
as  embodied  in  the  victim  or  somehow  associated 
with  it.  But  at  least  as  probable  an  explanation 
is  the  notion  that  the  god  himself  is  present  and 
shares  with  his  worshippers  in  the  sacrificial 
meal.  Striking  exemplifications  of  the  latter 
conception  are  given  by  Lietzmann  in  an  excursus 
on  1  Corinthians  x.  21,  e.g,y  Pap,  Oxyi\^  i.,  110 : 
"Chairemon  invites  you  to  dinner  at  the  table 
of  the  Lord  Serapis  in  the  Serapseum,  to-morrow, 
i.e,,  the  15th,"  etc.  The  "table  of  the  god" 
{TpdweCoi  Tov  deov)  is  a  phrase  which  occurs  in 
inscriptions  and  presupposes  the  presence  of  the 
deity  as  host  at  the  sacrificial  meal.  The  Roman 
religious  epulum  is  an  example  of  the  same  idea. 
It  is  impossible,  therefore,  to  bring  forward  any 
convincing  evidence  from  Hellenistic  religion 
contemporary  with  Paul  in  support  of  the  con- 
ception of  eating  the  god.  Heitmiiller,  indeed, 
declares  that  in  the  earliest  days  of  Christianity 
''  this  belief  and  usage  had  a  revival  and  a  new 


260  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

lease  of  life,"  ^  but  does  not  produce  a  shred  of 
relevant  proof  to  establish  his  statement.  Prof. 
Percy  Gardner,  who  frankly  recognises  the  fore- 
going facts,'^  finds  the  closest  parallel  to  the 
Christian  celebration  in  Pagan  ''feasts  of  com- 
munion with  departed  heroes  and  ancestors".^ 
Whether  this  analogy  be  valid  or  not,  it  at  least 
avoids  the  absurdity  of  attributing  to  Paul  the 
notion  of  "eating"  a  Divine  Being. 

While  emphasising  the  sparseness  of  the  evi- 
dence, we  have  admitted  the  possibility  that, 
in  the  Mystery-Religions,  certain  ritual  acts  of 
eating  and  drinking  were  believed  to  impart  new 
life  or  immortality.  And  we  have  taken  for 
granted  that  in  sacrificial  meals  some  kind  of 
communion  with  the  deity  was  supposed  to  be 
established,  although  the  method  of  its  estab- 
lishment eludes  investigation.  There  can  be 
little  doubt,  moreover,  that  in  the  commemora- 

^  Die  Eeligion  in  Geschichte  it.  Gegemvart  (ed.  Schiele), 
Bd.  i.,  sp.  45.  In  Taufe  u.  Abendmahl  bei  Paulus,  pp.  48, 
49,  he  actually  postulates  for  the  Christian  view  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  a  notion  so  crude  as  to  have  been  tran- 
scended, by  his  own  admission,  in  contemporary  heathen 
and  Jewish  thought. 

^  The  Beligious  Experience  of  St.  Paul,  p.  121. 

Ubid.,^.  113. 


SACRAMENTAL  MEALS  261 

tion  feasts  referred  to  above  a  ritual  fellowship 
with  the  departed  ancestor  or  hero  was  a  main 
element  in  the  celebration.  We  must  now 
attempt  to  examine  the  relationship  which  is 
alleged  to  exist  between  ideas  such  as  these  and 
Paul's  conception  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

Let  us  note,  first  of  all,  some  characteristic 
statements  of  the  Apostles  position  made  by 
investigators  obsessed  by  the  phenomena  of 
Comparative  Religion,  statements  so  often  dog- 
matically reiterated  that  writers  who  receive 
them  at  second-hand  repeat  them  as  beyond 
challenge.  Dieterich  asserts  as  unquestionable 
that,  according  to  Paul's  view,  "  Christ  is  eaten 
and  drunk  by  the  faithful  and  is  thereby  in 
them  ".  The  process  is  actual  {faktisch)}  Heit- 
miiller  holds  that,  for  Paul,  ''  simple  participation 
in  the  Lord's  Supper  produces  communion  with 
and  in  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  ".^  Accord- 
ing to  Schweitzer,  Paul  has  "  the  most  prosaic 
conception  imaginable  of  the  opus  operaturn  "  in 
the  sacrament.^  Weinel  declares  it  to  be  obvious 
from  1  Corinthians  x.  1-4  that  *'in  the  sacra- 

'^Eine  Mithrasliturgie^^  p.  106. 
^Tau/e  u.  Abendmahl  bei  Paulus,  p.  34. 
^  Op.  cit.y  p.  166. 


262  SACKAMENTAL  MEALS 

merit  the  important  thing  is  not  the  believing 
participation,  but  the  participation  in  the  su- 
pernatural ".^  In  Prof.  Lake's  judgment,  the 
passage  just  mentioned  implies  that  "in  the 
Eucharist  Christians  received  the  '  Spirit '  in  the 
form  of  food  and  drink  ".'^  Reitzenstein  inter- 
prets the  Pauline  conception  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  from  a  magical  text  in  which  the  blood 
of  Osiris  is  represented  as  a  love-potion,  laying 
a  spell  on  the  soul  of  him  who  drinks  it.^  How 
far  are  such  opinions  borne  out  by  the  data  of 
the  Epistles  ? 

Our  inquiry  is  a  limited  one.  It  is  beyond 
our  scope  to  enter  into  the  controversy  which 
has  arisen  regarding  the  institution  and  original 
significance  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  It  may  be 
necessary  at  one  or  two  points  to  refer  to  phases 
of  the  discussion.  But  in  the  main  we  must 
confine  ourselves  to  the  question  :  What  did  the 
Lord's  Supper  mean  for  Paul?  Most  scholars 
admit  that  Paul  found  the  celebration  already 
existing    in    the    Church.'^     Scientific    exegesis 

'Bihlische  Theol.  d.  N.T.,  p.  327. 

""  Earlier  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  p.  213. 

'  RM.B.,  p.  51. 

*See,  e.g.,  Holtzmann,  N.T.  Theologie,'^  ii.,  p.  208. 


SACKAMENTAL  MEALS  263 

rightly  rejects  the  interpretation  of  Trapika^ov 
aiTo  Tov  Kvpiov  o  KoX  napeScoKa  vplv  ("I  received 
from  the  Lord  that  which  also  I  handed  on  to 
you/'  1  Cor.  xi.  23)  as  a  special  revelation.^  And 
great  caution  must  be  exercised  in  attributing 
this  feature  or  that  in  the  institution  to  the 
creative  activity  of  Paul.  Many  modern  investi- 
gators claim  a  totally  unwarranted  knowledge  of 
the  mind  of  Jesus  w^hen  they  assume  that  the 
sacramental  in  any  shape  or  form  contradicts 
His  entire  standpoint.  We  grant  that  if  the 
sacramental  is  synonymous  with  the  magical 
it  must  have  been  foreign  to  His  thought.  But, 
as  we  pointed  out  in  the  last  chapter,  there  is 
a  sacramentalism  which  is  ethical  to  the  core, 
having  its  foundations  laid  in  a  genuine  religious 
faith.  It  is  no  excrescence  of  primitive  super- 
stition, but  corresponds  to  a  pennanent  dema^ 
of  the  human  consciousness,  the  demand  that  the^ 
visible  and  tangible  should  be  a  seal  to  faith  of 
that  which  is  unseen  and  eternal. 

The  Pauline  material  on  the  Lord's  Supper  is 

contained  in  three  sections  of  1  Corinthians  :  (1) 

x.    1-5;   (2)  X.   14-22;    (3)  xi.   17-34.      Section 

(1)  is   far  less   important   than   the   others,  as 

^  See  the  excellent  note  of  J.  Weiss,  ad  loc. 


264  SACKAMENTAL  MEALS 

being  no  more  than  an  illustration  used  in 
passing  by  the  Apostle.  Sections  (2)  and  (3) 
supply  real  evidence  of  his  position.  It  is 
wholly  illegitimate  to  assign  a  superior  author- 
ity, as  Heitmliller  does,  to  section  (2)  for  the 
determination  of  Paul's  actual  conception.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  an  unprejudiced  interpretation 
of  the  two  passages  reveals,  as  we  shall  see,  no 
discrepancy  between  them.  Heitmliller,  how- 
ever, asserts  that  in  chapter  xi.  we  find  ''a  more 
individual,  theological  explanation  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,"  while  in  chapter  x.  there  is  presented 
"the  unchanging  fundamental  idea  of  the  cele- 
bration and  its  effect  ".^  But  this  distinction  is 
a  mere  assertion  which  there  is  not  a  syllable 
in  the  Epistle  to  justify.  If  we  are  obliged 
to  choose  between  the  two  passages  for  an  au- 
thoritative statement,  Paul's  own  language  is 
decisive  in  favour  of  chapter  xi.  For,  on  his 
definite  testimony,  the  Apostle  simply  repeats  in 
xi.  23  fF.  the  instructions  which  he  had  given  his 
Corinthian  converts  regarding  the  Lord's  Supper 
when  they  entered  the  Christian  Church  (o  Kal 
irapeScoKa  v^uv).  He  nowhere  suggests  that  this  is 
a  new  communication  or  a  discussion  of  *'  doubtful 
^  Op.  city  p.  30.     So  also  Lake,  op.  cit.,  p.  213. 


SACKAMENTAL  MEALS  265 

points,"  as  Lake  represents  it.^  He  deliberately 
recalls  to  their  minds  the  familiar  ordinance, 
that  they  may  realise  how  flagrantly  they  have 
abused  it. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  spend  much  time  on 
chapter  x.  1-5.  It  forms  part  of  PauFs  ad- 
monition to  those  who  claim  the  possession  of 
ypcocTL^Sj  against  wounding  the  consciences  of  their 
"  weak  "  brethren  in  the  matter  of  eating  sacri- 
ficial meat.  For  the  latter  this  meat  still  carries 
with  it  "  the  consciousness  of  the  idol "  (ch.  viii. 
7),  and  so  involves  them  in  perilous  associations. 
But  the  "strong"  have  gone  further,  and  even 
partaken  of  meals  in  heathen  temples  (viii.  10).^ 
Paul  deals  fully  with  this  practice  in  x.  14-22, 
which  we  shall  discuss  immediately.  Meanwhile 
he  prepares  them  for  his  later  warning  by  a 
more  general  caution  based  on  the  experiences 
of  the  Israelites  as  narrated  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. He  reminds  them  that  the  chosen 
people,  in  spite  of  the  extraordinary  tokens 
of  God's  favour  manifested  in  their  miraculous 

1  Log.  cit. 

^Lietzmann  holds  that  this  is  the  situation  presupposed 
throughout  the  discussion.  That  is  possible,  but  not  neces- 
sary. 


266  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

deliverance  from  the  power  of  Pharaoh,  and 
their  no  less  miraculous  preservation  in  the 
wilderness,  fell  into  idolatry,  impurity,  and  re- 
bellion against  God.  And  God,  in  His  dis- 
pleasure with  the  greater  number,  cast  them 
off.  Christians  also  must  lay  aside  the  self- 
confidence  with  which  they  view  situations  that 
are  a  stumbling-block  to  their  brethren.  They 
themselves  are  exposed  to  the  seductive  en- 
vironment of  heathen  practice.  Let  them  beware 
of  idolatry,  for  the  man  who  thinks  he  stands 
may  suddenly  fall  (ver.  12).  It  is  very  natural 
that  in  connection  with  the  sacrificial  meals  of 
Paganism  the  Apostle's  mind  should  move  for- 
ward to  the  cognate  celebration  in  the  Christian 
Church,  more  especially  as  he  is  going  on  to 
demonstrate  the  incompatibility  of  partaking  in 
both.  And  so  he  hints  at  the  Lord's  Supper 
and  Baptism  as  experiences  typical  of  God's 
gracious  dealings  under  the  new  dispensation,  in 
order  to  warn  his  readers  that  the  enjoyment  of 
high  privileges,  as  in  the  case  of  Israel,  does  not 
necessarily  ensure  acceptance  with  God.  There 
is  no  infallible  safeguard  in  these  means  of  grace. 
"Our  fathers,"  he  says,  "were  all  baptised  into 
Moses  in  the  cloud  and  in  the  sea,  and  all  ate 


SACKAMENTAL  MEALS  267 

the  same  spiritual  {irvevixaTiKov)  food,  and  all 
drank  the  same  spiritual  drink  :  for  they  drank 
of  the  spiritual  rock  that  accompanied  them  : 
now  that  rock  was  Christ."  What  light  do 
these  words  shed  on  Paul's  conception  of  the 
Lord's  Supper? 

The  nature  of  the  reference  to  Baptism  clearly 
shows  that  here  we  have  to  do  with  a  somewhat 
daring  analogy,  and  warns  us  against  reading 
into  the  language  more  than  it  contains.  On 
the  surface  i*aul  follows  the  exegetical  method 
common  to  the  Rabbis  and  Philo.  And  it  is 
possible  that  he  actually  derived  the  idea  of 
the  never-failing  spring  of  water  from  Jewish 
Haggada.^  But  this  description  of  the  Divinely- 
provided  manna  and  the  miraculous  supply  of 
water  as  "  spiritual "  has  no  suggestion  in  it  that 
he  regarded  either  as  supernatural  in  quality,  or 
as  the  medium  of  a  spiritual  "substance".  Nor 
is  there  a  hint  that  he  associated  with  them  any 
extraordinary  effect.  If  he  did,  the  whole  force 
of  his  argument  would  be  vitiated,  for  its  very 
purpose  is  to  show  that  this  wonderful  Divine 
provision  afforded  no  guarantee  against  a  subse- 
quent fatal  lapse.  Perhaps  the  best  comment 
^  See  Lietzmann,  ad  loc. 


268  SACRAMENTAL  MEALS 

on  the  epithet  TrvevyLariKoq  is  to  be  found  in 
Deuteronomy  viii.  3  :  "  He  humbled  thee  and 
suffered  thee  to  hunger,  and  fed  thee  with 
manna,  which  thou  knewest  not,  neither  did  thy 
fathers  know,  that  he  might  make  thee  know 
that  man  doth  not  live  by  bread  alone,  but  by 
everything  that  proceedeth  out  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Lord"  {i.e.,  the  creative  word  of  God  by  which 
He  can  call  into  being  new  means  of  preserving 
life].  Thus  the  manna  and  the  water  from  the 
rock  were  ''spiritual,"  not  as  possessing  any 
magical  properties,  but  as  a  direct  pledge  of  the 
loving-kindness  of  God.  They  were  intended  to 
convince  the  Covenant-people  of  God's  special 
relation  to  them.  They  were  evidences  of  the 
redeeming  purpose  of  God  in  history.  It  is 
from  the  same  standpoint  that  he  can  identify 
the  rock  with  Christ.  For  he  regards  the  Divine 
working  in  the  old  and  the  new  dispensation  as 
an  indissoluble  unity.  Hence  he  feels  justified 
in  making  a  comparison  between  the  tokens 
of  God's  gracious  favour  to  Israel  and  those 
Christian  ordinances  which  are  the  seal  of  the 
new  Covenant. 

In  the  second  crucial   passage,  x.  14-21,  the 
Apostle  passes  beyond  vague  hints  and  deliber- 


SACBAMENTAL  MEALS  269 

ately  charges  with  idolatry  those  "strong" 
Christians  who  do  not  shrink  from  participating 
in  sacrificial  meals.  '*  The  cup  of  blessing  which 
we  bless,  is  it  not  a  communion  with  the  blood 
of  Christ  ?  The  bread  (loaf)  which  we  break,  is 
it  not  a  communion  with  the  body  of  Christ? 
For  as  there  is  one  bread,  so  we  the  many  are 
one  body,  for  we  all  partake  of  the  one  bread. 
Look  at  Israel  according  to  the  flesh  :  do  not 
those  who  eat  the  sacrifices  enter  into  com- 
munion with  the  altar  ?  What  then  do  I  say  ? 
That  sacrificial  meat  is  anything  or  that  an  idol  is 
anything  ?  No,  but  I  say  that  the  things  which 
the  Gentiles  sacrifice  '  they  sacrifice  to  demons 
and  not  to  God  '.^  Now  I  would  not  have  you 
in  communion  with  demons.  You  cannot  drink 
the  cup  of  the  Lord  and  the  cup  of  demons  :  you 
cannot  share  in  '  the  table  of  the  Lord '  ^  and 
in  that  of  demons." 

"  Sharing  in  the  table  of  the  Lord  "  is  shown 
in  the  opening  sentences  of  the  paragraph  to 
mean  partaking  of  the  cup  and  the  bread.  And 
this  participation  is  described  as  a  communion 
with  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ.    Now  this  last 

^  Deuteronomy  xxxii.  17  (LXX). 
''  Malachi  i.  12  (LXX). 


270  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

conception  cannot  be  explained  in  the  isolation 
of  its  present  context.  But  its  meaning  becomes 
clear  from  the  expressive  interpretation  of  it 
which  Paul  has  given  in  chapter  xi.  There  he 
deliberately  states  its  significance  :  ''  As  often 
as  you  eat  this  bread  and  drink  this  cup,  you  re- 
present {KarayyeXkeTe)  the  Lord's  death  till  he 
come  "  (xi.  26).  That  is  to  say,  the  bread  and 
wine  represent  not  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ 
as  such,  but  His  human  person  as  slain  on  the 
Cross.  Therefore  communion  with  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ  means  communion  with  the  Lord 
as  crucified  and  all  that  this  involves.  Hence 
we  never  find  the  Apostle  speaking  of  ''  eating 
the  flesh  "  or  '*  drinking  the  blood  "  of  Christ. 
He  is  careful  to  associate  the  solemn  actions 
only  with  the  bread  and  the  cup.  It  is  thus 
apparent  that  the  Lord's  Supper  sets  forth 
visibly  for  Paul  and  his  fellow-Christians  the 
supreme  spiritual  experience  which  he  has  de- 
scribed in  Galatians  ii.  20  :  *'  I  have  been  cruci- 
fied with  Christ  ".  And  as  the  Apostle  can 
never  dissociate  the  Crucifixion  from  the  Resur- 
rection, the  appropriation  of  the  benefits  of  the 
death  of  Christ  which  is  quickened  by  the  sacred 
celebration  will  carry  with  it  a  like  appropria- 


SACEAMENTAL  MEALS  271 

tion  of  the  resources  of  the  risen  Lord  :  "  No 
longer  do  I  live,  but  Christ  liveth  in  me  :  and 
that  which  I  now  live  in  the  flesh  I  live  by 
faith,  faith  in  the  Son  of  God  who  loved  me  and 
gave  himself  for  me".  Language  of  this  kind 
reminds  us  that  Paul's  thought  must  not  be  in- 
terpreted atomistically,  but  in  the  light  of  his 
entire  Christian  experience. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  paragraph  under 
review  to  conflict  with  the  explanation  which 
we  have  seen  to  be  necessitated  by  the  Apostle's 
instruction  on  the  Lord's  Supper  in  chapter  xi. 
23  ff.  Indeed,  the  comparisons  which  he  em- 
ploys are  sufficient  in  themselves  to  put  us  on 
our  guard  against  supposing  that  Paul's  notion 
here  is,  to  quote  Weinel,  that  "  the  communion 
with  the  Lord  into  which  one  enters  at  the 
table  of  the  Lord  is  of  a  sensible-hypersensible 
real  kind,"  that  '*  the  idea  is  not  of  a  mere 
spiritual  reception  of  Christ,  but  somehow  of 
His  glorified  corporeality  "?  It  is  impossible  to 
associate  with  the  eating  of  the  sacrifices  in 
Israel  (x.  18)  the  notion  of  partaking  of  the 
Deity.  Such  an  idea  is  foreign  to  Jewish 
thought.  Nor  is  it  otherwise  in  the  case  of  the 
^  Biblische  Theologie  d.  N.T.^  p.  325. 


272  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

demons  whom  Paul  regards  as  the  real  forces 
existing  behind  Pagan  idols.     His  language  is 
not  obscure.     The  communion  with  the  demons 
against  which  he  warns  is  described  as  ''  drink- 
ing the  cup  of  demons,"  ''  partaking  of  the  table 
of  demons  ".    These  phrases,  when  viewed  in  the 
light  of  the  examples  cited  from  papyri  at  the 
beginning  of  this  chapter,  suggest  that  Paul  re- 
gards the  demons  as  hosts  at  the  sacrificial  meals, 
and  communion  with  them  is  pictured  by  the 
relation  of  the  guests  to  their  hosts.^    It  is  quite 
irrelevant  to  quote  as  decisive  for  Paul's  mean- 
ing^ the  well-known  passage  from  Porphyrins 
{De  philos,  ex  orac.  haiir.,  preserved  by  Eusebius, 
Prwpar.  Evarig.,  iv.,  23,  3),  in  which  he  relates 
of  demons  that  "  while  we  are  at  food  they  ap- 
proach and  settle  on  our  bodies  .  .  .  and  delight 
especially  in  blood,"  etc.,  as  if  this  made  probable 
for  Paul  the  notion  that  they  were  conveyed  into 
the  bodies  of  the  worshippers  by  means  of  the 
sacrificial  meat.     The  Apostle  takes  for  granted 
that  the  presence  of  any  one  at  a  sacrificial  meal 
is,  necessarily  a  more  or  less  distinct  recognition 
of  .the  superhuman  Person  in  whose  honour,  or 

1  See  also  J.  Tambornino,  De  antiquorum  dcBmonismo,  p.  95. 
'^  So  Lietzmann,  J.  Weiss,  and  others. 


SACEAMENTAL  MEALS  273 

.  under  whose  segis,  the  festival  is  held.    And  these 
superhuman  powers  he  calls  8at/xdi/ta,  using  the 
term  to  describe  the  objects  of  Pagan  worship, 
after  the  model  of  Deuteronomy  xxxii.  17  {eOvaav 
SaLjjLovLOL';  /cat  ov  deco),  which  is  evidently  before 
his  mind.    But  Porphyrins  has  the  diametrically 
opposite  conception  of  Sat/moj/ta  as  beings  who 
interfere  with  the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  who 
have  to  be  driven  away  in  order  that  the  god 
may  grant  his  presence.      Very  instructive  for 
the  view  we  have  suggested  of  communion  with 
the  demons  is  a  passage  in  the  Pseudo-Clemen- 
tine Recognitiones  (ii.,  71),  which  says  that  every 
one  who  worships  "those  whom  the  Pagans  call 
gods,  or  tastes  meat  sacrificed  to  them,"  becomes 
"  a  guest  of  demons,"  and  '*  has  fellowship  with 
that  demon  whose  aspect  he  has  fashioned  in  his 
mind,   whether  from  fear  or  love  ".^      We  are 

1  Cf.  J.  R6ville  (Bevue  de  Vhistoire  des  religions,  tome  56, 
p.  159):  "The  Apostle  here  appeals  to  the  religious  idea, 
which  inspired  the  sacred  meals  of  the  Greeks,  communion 
with  the  gods  by  the  absorption  of  a  common  food,  belonging 
to  the  gods  by  the  fact  of  consecration^.  The  Kouvdivca  twv  8ai- 
^ovLisiv  .  .  .  does  not  mean  the  absorption  of  the  flesh  of 
demons  any  more  than  the  KOLVinvia  tov  Ova-Laa-T-qpLov  means 
the  absorption  of  the  altar.  ...  In  the  one  and  the  other 
alternative  there  is  involved  the  solidarity  attested  by  the 

18 


274  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

justified,  therefore,  on  the  basis  of  an  examina- 
tion of  the  facts,  in  asserting  that  1  Corinthians 
X.  14  fF.  affords  no  evidence  for  the  notion  that 
Paul  believes  in  the  magical  communication  of 
the  glorified  body  of  Christ  to  the  worshipper 
through  the  medium  of  the  bread  and  wine. 

The  most  ample  material  for  estimating  Paul's 
conception  of  the  Lord's  Supper  is  presented 
by  1  Corinthians  xi.  23  S.  We  have  already 
seen  that  it  is  an  authoritative  pronouncement 
on  the  subject.  And  it  was  necessary  at  an 
earlier  point  to  call  attention  to  the  Apostle's 
statement  of  the  fundamental  significance  of  the 
celebration  in  verse  26.  Paul  derives  this  sig- 
nificance from  the  words  and  actions  of  Jesus, 
as  these  have  come  down  to  him  through  the 
tradition  of  the  Church.  Now,  apart  from  the  in- 
junction to  repeat  the  celebration  as  a  memorial, 
there  is  no  essential  difference  between  Paul  and 
the  Synoptics.  Indeed,  so  radical  a  scholar  as 
Eichhorn  goes  the  length  of  admitting  that  no 
one  who  compares  the  four  reports  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  can  doubt  that  all  four  writers  speak  of 

religious  meal,  on  the  one  hand  with  the  demons,  on  the  other 
with  the  blood  and  body  of  Christ." 


SACEAMENTAL  MEALS  276 

the  self-same  thing  in  the  very  same  sense.^  With 
reference  to  the  cup,  Mark,  Matthew,  and  Luke 
(except  the  so-called  **  Western  "  text)  report 
Jesus  as  saying  :  *'  This  is  my  blood  of  the  cove- 
nant [Luke  :  the  new  covenant  in  my  blood]  shed 
for  many  [Luke  :  for  you]  ".  It  is  therefore 
wholly  arbitrary  to  challenge  the  allusion  to  the 
covenant  as  an  addition  due  to  Paul.  And 
the  saying  obviously  represents  the  approaching 
death  of  Jesus  as  the  sacrifice  which  inaugurates 
the  new  covenant.  The  words  that  accom- 
pany the  giving  of  the  cup  make  perfectly 
clear  the  meaning  of  those  spoken  at  the 
distribution  of  the  bread,  even  in  the  brief 
form  found  in  Matthew  and  Mark  :  "  this  is 
my  body  ".  The  extended  version  in  Paul  and 
the  non-Western  texts  of  Luke  is  true  to  Jesus' 
thought  :  "  This  is  my  body  which  is  for  you 
[Luke  :  which  is  given  for  you]  ".^  The  ritual 
action,  therefore,  symbolises  the  death  of  Jesus 
as  a  medium  of  blessing  for  His  followers.  And 
that  part  of  it  which  consists  in  eating  the  broken 

1  Das  Abendmahl  im  N,T.,  p.  8  (quoted  by  Lambert,  The 
Sacraments  in  the  N.T.,  p.  267). 

2  See  an  excellent  paragraph  by  Jiilicher  in  Abhandlungen 
C.  von  Weizsacker  gewidmety  pp.  242,  243. 


276  SACRAMENTAL  MEALS 

bread  and  drinking  the  wine  emphasises  the 
necessity  of  appropriating  the  promised  salvation. 
But  there  is  no  evidence  of  anything  realistic  or 
magical  about  the  benefit  received.  Heitmliller, 
indeed,  finds  traces  of  such  a  conception  in  xi. 
27  :  "  Whosoever  shall  eat  the  bread  or  drink 
the  cup  of  the  Lord  unworthily  shall  be  guilty  of 
the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord/'  taking  these 
words  in  close  connection  with  verse  30  :  "  On 
this  account  many  among  you  are  frail  and  sick, 
and  a  number  have  fallen  asleep  ".  He  com- 
pares a  belief  of  the  Syrians  that  the  eating  of 
sardines,^  which  were  sacred  to  the  goddess  Atar- 
gatis,  produced  ulcers  and  wasting  disease.^  But 
the  parallel  is  not  really  valid.  The  unworthy 
partaking  of  the  bread  and  wine  is  regarded  by 
Paul  as  sacrilege  committed  against  Christ.  His 
idea  is  precisely  equivalent  to  that  of  Hebrews 
vi.  6  :  ''  Crucifying  for  themselves  afresh  the  Son 
of  God  and  putting  him  to  open  shame  ".  The 
effect  which  he  discerns  in  the  sickness  and  death 
of  members  of  the  Christian  community  he  does 
not  trace  to  the  partaking  of  the  bread  and  wine, 
but  distinctly  names  it  a  Kpiixa,  a  judgment  sent 

1  Op.  cit.,  pp.  50,  51. 


SACRAMENTAL  MEALS  277 

by  God  for  the  ultimate  discipline  of  those  who 
have  been  guilty. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  this  important 
passage  Paul  is  exclusively  concerned  with  the 
participation  of  believers  in  the  benefits  of  the 
sacrifice  of  Christ.  The  same  thing  applies  to 
chapter  x.  14  fF.  But  as  we  indicated  in  dis- 
cussing that  section,  it  is  impossible  for  him  to 
think  of  Christ  crucified  apart  from  Christ  risen 
{cf.  Rom.  iv.  25).  And  perhaps  the  significant 
words,  ''till  he  come,"  are  directly  intended  to 
remind  them  that  He  whose  death  of  love  they 
commemorate,  is  with  them  "always  until  the 
end  of  the  age".  But  for  the  Apostle,  com- 
munion with  Christ  does  not  depend  upon  any 
sacred  rite.  Its  essential  condition  is  a  whole- 
hearted faith.  This  he  makes  as  plain  as  words 
can  make  it  in  such  passages  as  Galatians 
ii.  20  and  Philippians  iii.  9.  And  so  we 
are  brought  back  to  the  position  which  we 
sought  to  establish  in  the  last  chapter,  where 
we  endeavoured  to  show  that  faith  is  for  Paul 
the  indispensable  postulate  of  all  that  has 
spiritual  value  in  the  experience  of  Baptism.  It 
is  not  otherwise  with  the  Lord's  Supper.  This 
was  no  feast  of  initiation.     Those  who  partook 


278  SACEAMENTAL  MEALS 

of  it  had  already  professed  to  surrender  them- 
selves to  Christ  as  their  Saviour  and  Lord. 
They  had  received  and  welcomed  the  good 
news  of  salvation  through  His  self-sacrificing 
death.  The  bread  and  the  wine  were  to  them 
symbols  of  all  that  this  death  involved.  And 
when  they  received  them  with  discernment,  they 
were  making  acknowledgment  of  the  dying  love 
of  the  Redeemer.  But,  as  in  baptism,  there 
was  something  more  for  Paul  and  his  converts 
in  this  sacred  meal  than  an  impressive  sym- 
bolism. The  ''acted  parable"  was  amazingly 
fitted  to  rouse  and  invigorate  their  faith.  Thus 
they  were  by  faith  carried  past  the  symbols  into 
what  Holtzmann  has  fitly  called  "  the  sphere  of 
the  reconciling  grace  which  rests  upon  the  death 
of  Christ  ".^  There  they  were  able  to  realise  with 
new  vividness  the  actual  operation  of  the  Divine 
love  at  work  on  their  behalf.  The  symbols 
became  a  sacrament,  a  convincing  pledge  of 
the  mercy  of  God  in  Christ  the  crucified. 

We  have  dwelt  only  on  those  aspects  of  the 

Lord's  Supper  which  have  been  alleged  to  show 

a  kinship  with  the  sacred  meals  of  Paganism. 

We  have  not  discussed  the  hypothesis  that  the 

'N.T.  Theologie,^  ii.,  p.  201. 


SACKAMENTAL  MEALS  279 

Christian  feast  was  modelled  on  those  Pagan 
celebrations  which  commemorated  a  dead  hero 
or  ancestor,  because  in  these  there  was  noth- 
ing to  correspond  to  Paul's  central  idea  of 
communion  with  Christ  as  crucified.  But  we 
believe  enough  has  been  said  to  justify  the  state- 
ment of  Von  Dobschtitz  that  *'the  unique  sacra- 
mental conception  of  the  Early  Church,  which 
has  no  analogy  in  the  history  of  religion  because 
it  belongs  essentially  to  the  Christian  religion, 
has  its  origin  solely  in  Christian  faith  and 
Christian  experience*'.^ 

^  Sttcdien  u.  Kritiken,  1905,  i.,  p.  39. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

CONCLUSIONS 

In  the  preceding  chapters  we  have  sought  to  test 
at  various  points  the  assumption  that  Christian- 
ity was  for  St.  Paul  a  Mystery-Religion,  and 
that  many  of  his  religious  conceptions  were 
closely  allied  to  the  Mystery-cults  of  Paganism. 
It  may  be  well  in  this  closing  section  of  our 
inquiry  to  gather  up  and  emphasise  the  more 
important  conclusions  at  which  we  have  arrived, 
supplementing  them  at  one  or  two  points. 

The  relation  of  the  Mystery-Religions  to  Paul's 
environment  requires  no  discussion.  Ample  evi- 
dence has  been  adduced  to  show  that  through- 
out the  sphere  of  his  missionary  operations  he 
would  be  in  touch  with  many  who  had  been 
initiated  into  Pagan  Mysteries,  and  had  finally 
entered  the  Christian  Church.  We  cannot  pic- 
ture him  engrossed  in  the  cure  of  souls  without 
recognising  that  he  must   have  gained  a   deep 

insight  into  the  earlier  spiritual  aspirations   of 

(280) 


CONCLUSIONS  281 

his  converts,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  had 
sought  to  satisfy  them.  Even  apart  from  eager 
inquirers,  a  missionary  so  zealous  and  daring 
would  often  find  himself  confronted  by  men  and 
women  who  still  clung  to  their  mystic  ritual  and 
all  the  hopes  it  had  kindled.  It  was  inevitable, 
therefore,  that  he  should  become  familiar,  at 
least  from  the  outside,  with  religious  ideas  cur- 
rent in  these  influential  cults.  Sometimes,  as  e.g. 
in  the  case  of  ypoxri^  and  Sd^a,  these  ideas  found 
remarkably  close  parallels  in  the  thought  of  the 
Old  Testament.  Thus  he  would  be  impressed  by 
their  capacity  for  holding  a  genuinely  spiritual 
content,  and  would  use  them  in  circumstances 
in  which  their  earlier  history  would  tend  to  make 
them  all  the  more  effective.  Certain  important 
terms  like  TeXetos,  TrvevjxaTLKos,  crojTrjpLa,  and 
others,  were  in  the  air.  They  meant  one  thing, 
no  doubt,  for  a  Christian,  and  quite  another  for 
a  Pagan.  Yet  their  fundamental  significance 
for  both  had  elements  of  affinity,  sufficient  to  link 
together  the  respective  usages.  The  essentially 
religious  meaning,  for  example,  of  nvevfjLa  and 
vovs  in  documents  of  Hellenistic  Mystery-Religion 
provided  a  common  standing-ground  for  Paul 
and  many  of  his  readers.    What  holds  of  separate 


282  CONCLUSIONS 

terms  may  occasionally  be  affirmed  regarding 
groups  of  ideas.  Thus  the  combination  of 
aviJiiJLop<f>LC6fievo<;  with  yucjvai  in  Philippians  iii.  10 
seems  to  indicate  a  background  for  the  Apostle's 
conception  akin  to  the  Mystery-doctrine  of  trans- 
formation by  the  vision  of  God.  But  it  has  also 
become  clear  that  we  dare  not  make  far-reaching 
inferences  from  terminology  as  to  the  assimilation 
by  Paul  of  Mystery-ideas.  For  we  were  able  to 
show  that  the  central  conceptions  of  the  Mystery- 
Religions  belong  to  a  dififerent  atmosphere  from 
that  in  which  the  Apostle  habitually  moves. 
There  is  no  principle  determining  their  relations, 
which  in  any  sense  corresponds  to  the  Cross  of 
Christ  in  the  realm  of  Paul's  thought  and  ex- 
perience. 

It  is,  moreovef,  vain  to  endeavour  to  find 
points  of  contact  between  Paul  and  the  Mystery- 
cults  on  the  side  of  ritual.  Unquestionably  he 
was  too  sensitive  to  the  practical  demands  of  the 
human  soul  to  disparage  the  simple  rites  which 
he  found  existing  in  the  nascent  Church.  In- 
deed, he  was  aware  that  the  celebration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  had  its  origin  in  the  Master's 
farewell  meal  with  His  disciples.  He  was  ready 
to  recognise  the  high  spiritual  impulses  which 


CONCLUSIONS  283 

were  quickened  in  the  solemn  surroundings  of 
the  Christian  sacraments.  He  knew  that  these 
actions,  with  lowly,  believing  hearts  responsive  to 
them,  became  real  channels  for  the  Divine  grace. 
But  the  essential  characteristic  of  his  religious 
attitude  was  detachment  from  ceremonial.  It 
is  no  wonder  that  interpreters  like  Heitmtiller 
and  Weinel,  who  attribute  a  magical  view  of 
the  sacraments  to  Paul,  are  concerned  to  point 
out  that  his  sacramentalism  is  a  sort  of  erratic 
boulder  in  his  system  as  a  whole.  It  would 
be  foolish  to  demand  for  Paul  a  rigid  logic  in 
the  concatenation  of  his  thought.  But  his  think- 
ing is  in  no  sense  atomistic.  And  the  vital  centre 
of  the  organism  lies  in  his  conception  of  faith. 
Independent  as  are  the  gracious  movements  of  a 
God,  almighty  and  all-loving,  they  demand  for 
their  effectiveness  the  receptivity  of  the  human 
soul.  That  is  one  aspect  of  faith  for  Paul.  And 
the  other  is  the  personal  appeal  to  God  of  the 
surrendered  life.  A  heart  to  welcome,  and  a 
will  to  claim  the  supreme  Divine  gifts,  and  be- 
hind both,  as  their  explanation,  the  emotion  of 
a  love  created  by  the  unspeakable  love  of  Christ. 
Every  living  idea  in  Paul  is  irradiated  by  his 
faith,  whether  its  form  be  juristic  or  theosophi- 


284  CONCLUSIONS 

cal  or  sacramental.  To  assign  a  position  of  any 
importance  in  the  complex  of  his  ideas  to  an 
element  for  which  faith  does  not  count,  is  to 
ignore  the  indissoluble  connection  between  his 
thought  and  his  religious  experience.  The  cen- 
trality  of  faith,  therefore,  comes  to  be  a  criterion 
of  every  attempt  at  reconstructing  Paul's  spirit- 
ual platform.  And  here  also  we  discover  that 
there  is  no  corresponding  feature  in  the  frame- 
work of  the  Mystery-Religions. 

Nevertheless,  we  have  every  right  to  speak 
of  the  Mysticism  of  Paul.  How  is  the  term,  in 
his  case,  to  be  interpreted  ?  To  many  natures 
everything  that  savours  of  mystical  experience 
is  not  only  alien  but  offensive.  They  regard  it 
as  a  purely  pathological  condition,  the  result  of 
auto-suggestion.  Or  they  view  it  as  an  unethical 
dissociation  of  personality  from  the  salutary 
claims  of  normal  life,  with  the  aim  of  absorption 
in  an  impersonal  Absolute.  It  is  unquestionable 
that  mystics  have  often  laid  stress  on  a  more  or 
less  morbid  self-mortification  as  the  pathway  to 
their  goal,  and  that  the  via  negativa,  so  dear  to 
many  of  them,  has  resulted  in  a  conception  of 
God  which  really  obliterates  all  that  we  mean 
by  character.      But  it  is  equally  certain  that  in 


CONCLUSIONS  285 

numerous  instances  those  who  have  yearned  for 
and  professed  to  attain  real  contact  with  the 
Divine  have  exercised  a  moral  power  yielding 
astonishing  results  in  the  sphere  of  practical 
life.  Mysticism,  in  effect,  is  a  term  which  covers 
a  manifold  area  of  experience.  It  is  extremely 
difficult  in  the  history  of  Christianity  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  those  conditions  of  overpowering 
faith,  involving  profound  emotion,  which  belong 
to  the  soul  that  has  "counted  all  things  as  loss  " 
for  Christ.  Indeed,  Pfleiderer  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  exaggerate  when  he  asserts  that  "the  my- 
stical element  in  Paulinism  depends  immediately 
and  exclusively  on  Paul's  notion  of  faith  ".^ 
Let  us  briefly  analyse  this  mystical  element. 

1  Paulinism  (E.  tr.),  vol.  i.,  p.  199  ;  cf.  Lehmann's  state- 
ment: "The  culminating  point  in  the  experience  of  the 
believing  Jew  is  the  passioji  of  faith  "  {Mysticism,  E.  tr., 
p.  101).  The  chief  defect  in  Miss  Underhill's  treatment  of 
Paulinism  in  her  recent  attractive  study  of  Christian  origins, 
The  Mystic  Way,  published  v^hile  this  book  was  in  the  press, 
is  its  failure  to  emphasise  faith  as  the  clue  to  Paul's  pro- 
foundest  religious  experience,  and  the  attempt  to  force  that 
experience  into  a  frame-work  of  technical  categories  derived 
from  mediaeval  Mysticism.  See  a  most  masterly  statement  of 
the  view  adopted  in  the  text  by  Wernle,  Zeitschr.  /.  Theol.  u. 
Kirche,  1913,  1,  pp.  69-72. 


286  CONCLUSIONS 

The  phenomena  associated  with  Mysticism, 
and  appearing  in  every  age  and  in  all  manner 
of  environments,  usually  seem  to  presuppose  a 
special  type  of  temperament.  In  the  second 
chapter  we  referred  to  the  case  of  the  prophet 
Ezekiel  as  a  nature  peculiarly  sensitive  to  ecsta- 
tic or  trance  conditions,  in  which  he  received  the 
Divine  message.  Yet  it  is  plain  that  his  "  pecu- 
liar psycho-physical  constitution  "  in  no  way  de- 
tracted from  the  vigour  of  his  ethical  teaching. 
We  have  hints  that  the  temperament  of  Paul  was 
of  a  similar  kind  in  the  allusions  he  makes  again 
and  again  to  revelations  (aTro/caXvi/zct?)  and  visions 
(oTrraortat)  which  came  to  him,  and  especially  in 
the  remarkable  description  of  an  ecstatic  ex- 
perience given  in  2  Corinthians  xii.  1  fF.  But 
no  reader  of  the  Epistles  could  ever  form  the 
impression  that  these  occurrences,  associated 
with  special  psycho-physical  conditions,  consti- 
tute for  the  Apostle  a  predominant  feature  of 
his  religious  life.  We  have  ample  evidence  as 
to  the  attitude  he  assumes  towards  abnormal 
workings  of  the  Divine  Spirit.  In  his  famous 
discussion  of  spiritual  xap^V/xara  in  1  Corinthians 
xii.-xiv.,  he  makes  no  secret  of  his  desire  to  curb 
all   manifestations  of  intense  spiritual  emotion 


CONCLUSIONS  287 

which  are  not  calculated  to  edify  the  Christian 
community.  And  while  he  admits  that  such 
phenomena  may  spring  from  a  real  contact  with 
Divine  influence,  he  gives  them  no  place  in  his 
impressive  enumeration  of  the  fruits  of  the 
Spirit.  The  distinguishing  characteristic  of  these 
is  their  ethical  quality.  This  is  in  full  accord 
with  one  of  PauFs  most  splendid  achievements 
in  the  life  of  the  Early  Church,  the  transforma- 
tion of  the  conception  of  the  Spirit  as  a  fitful 
energy,  accompanied  by  extraordinary  manifesta- 
tions, into  that  of  an  abiding,  inspiring  power 
which  controls  conduct  in  the  interest  of  love. 
His  own  ecstatic  experiences  must  have  been 
regulated  by  the  same  cautions.  For  this  would 
certainly  be  possible.  The  testimony  of  the 
great  Christian  mystics  warns  us  against  con- 
founding ecstasy  with  hysteria.  They  recognise, 
indeed,  that  there  is  often  a  justification  for  such 
comparison,  and  declare  that  ecstasies  must  be 
tested.  The  test  consists  "not  in  its  outward 
sign,  but  in  its  inward  grace,  its  after-value  ".^ 
This  after-value  is  due  to  the  high  conviction 
that  the  soul  has  been  carried  into  the  world  of 
Eternal  Reality.  All  the  evidence  suggests  that 
1 E.  Underbill,  Mysticism,  p.  431. 


288  CONCLUSIONS 

for  Paul  these  experiences  were  not  depressing 
but  life-enhancing. 

But  in  touching  these  more  or  less  abnormal 
conditions,  we  are  dealing  only  with  the  circum- 
ference of  Paul's  religious  history.     Its  centre 
lies  elsewhere.     Weinel  aptly  remarks  that  the 
simultaneous    origin   of    what    he   calls   Paul's 
**  Spirit-  and  Christ-mysticism  "  can  only  be  ex- 
plained from   his  experience  on  the  Damascus 
road.^     This  was  for  the  Apostle  a  real  contact 
with   the   risen   Lord,    the   Lord   as  life-giving 
Spirit.      There   and   then  he   came   to   be   ''in 
Christ "  (2  Cor.  v.  17).     There  and  then  Christ 
came  to  be  "in  him  "  (Gal.  i.  16).     We  pointed 
out  in  a  former  chapter  that  this  language  tran- 
scends  all  spatial  categories.      But   while   the 
ultimate   fact   which   it   endeavours  to  express 
eludes  analysis,  Paul  himself  supplies  the  material 
for  estimating,  up  to  a  certain  point,  the  process 
by  which  the  ineffable  relationship  is  realised. 
It  is  not  established  in  any  magical  way.      It 
is  the  Divine  answer  to  faith.     And  the  nature 
of  the  faith  is  not  left  obscure.     In  the  most 
classical   passage   on  union  with   Christ  to   be 
found  in  his  Epistles,  Paul  illuminates  the  matter 
^Biblische  Theologie  d.  N.T,,  p.  287. 


CONCLUSIONS  289 

by  a  single  flash.  For  he  describes  the  faith 
which  is  the  nexus  in  this  fellowship  as  "  faith 
in  the  Son  of  God  who  loved  me  and  gave  him- 
self for  me  "  (Gal.  ii.  20).  Here,  obviously,  the 
intellectual  element  in  faith  is  not  emphasised ; 
not  even  that  which  is  involved  in  Paul's  attitude 
towards  the  resurrection.  This  is  a  faith  which 
has  behind  it  the  force  of  an  all-subduing  love. 
The  emotion  is  the  response  to  the  redeeming 
love  of  the  Cross,  the  most  tremendous  moral 
power  with  which  Paul  has  ever  come  in  con- 
tact. 

Thus  we  can  discern  that  the  ''  Mysticism  "  of 
the  Apostle  has  an  inherently  ethical  quality. 
This  might  have  been  deduced  from  his  concep- 
tion of  the  Spirit,  as  we  have  briefly  exhibited  it. 
And  that  conception,  of  course,  can  never  be 
dissociated  from  his  experience  of  intimate  com- 
munion with  Christ,  as  appears  from  such  crucial 
passages  as  Romans  viii.  9,  10  ("  Ye  are  not  in 
the  flesh  but  in  the  Spirit,  if  so  be  that  the  Spirit 
of  God  dwelleth  in  you.  But  if  any  man  have 
not  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  he  is  none  of  his.  And 
if  Christ  is  in  you,  the  body  is  dead  because  of 
sin,  but  the  Spirit  is  life  because  of  righteous- 
ness ").     But  we  have  preferred  to  keep  to  the 

19 


290  CONCLUSIONS 

main  track  of  his  thought,  a  track  which  leads 
through  the  hard  realities  of  an  earthly  life. 
For  Paul  relates  his  supreme  experience  of 
fellowship,  that  which  is  far  more  precious  to 
him  than  abnormal  raptures  (although  he  valued 
these),  to  the  common  existence  which  is  his 
daily  lot :  ''  that  which  I  now  live  in  the  flesh  " 
(Gal.  ii.  20).  It  is  possible  to  go  further  in  our 
analysis  on  the  basis  of  the  material  presented  in 
the  Epistles.  We  have  already  emphasised  the 
nature  of  the  content  of  that  supreme  experience 
which  lies  at  the  heart  of  Paul's  mysticism.^  He 
himself  calls  it,  "  being  crucified  with  Christ  ". 
It  occupies  the  central  place  in  his  exposition  of 
the  meaning  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  There  he 
describes  it  as  "  communion  with  the  body  and 
blood  of  the  Lord  "  (1  Cor.  x.  16).  And  we 
saw  in  the  last  chapter  that,  in  the  light  of  the 
explicit  statement  in  1  Corinthians  xi.  26,  the 
phrase  could  only  mean  communion  with  the 
Lord  as  crucified.  The  central  implication  of 
the  idea  is  identification  with  the  attitude 
towards  sin  of  the  crucified  Redeemer  and  all 
that  that  involves,  with  its  correlative  of  sharing 

1  See  chapter  v.,  p.  220  ff. 


CONCLUSIONS  291 

in  the  victorious  life  of  Christ  as  risen.  Here  is 
a  type  of  mysticism  which  stands  by  itself.  Its 
meaning,  as  we  have  seen,  is  fellowship  with 
Christ.  That  fellowship  involves  the  will.  It 
could  never  be  the  product  of  mere  feeling  or 
brooding  contemplation.  It  has  little  in  common 
with  the  notion  of  absorption  in  the  Deity  which 
links  together  mystical  aspirations  in  every  age 
and  every  clime.  If  there  is  any  possession 
which  Paul  holds  dear,  it  is  that  of  his  individu- 
ality. His  eager  speculations  on  the  ^'  spiritual 
organism  "  are  sufficient  proof.  Like  Plato,  he 
escapes  what  may  be  technically  called  '^  Mys- 
ticism "  by  "  his  unwavering  belief  in  the  in- 
dissoluble personality  of  the  human  ego  ".^  And 
as  regards  the  Divine  factor  in  the  mystic 
fellowship,  he  has  too  keen  a  sense  of  the  his- 
torical personality  of  the  Lord  to  lose  himself 
in  the  sea  of  absolute  Being.  These  are  never 
the  categories  with  which  he  works.  Indeed,  to 
realise  with  vividness  the  limits  which  he  imposes 
upon  his  mystical  thought  and  feeling,  we  have 
only  to  reflect  on  his  attitude  towards  deification. 
We  have  pointed  out  the  prevalence  of  this 
doctrine  as  the  goal  of  mystical  aspiration  in 
1  See  Lehmann,  Mysticism  (E.  tr.),  p.  89. 


292  CONCLUSIONS 

Hellenistic  religion.  Dean  Inge  shows  clearly  ^ 
that,  in  Eastern  Christendom  during  the  early 
centuries,  owing  to  the  fluid  nature  of  the  con- 
cept deoSf  the  notion  of  deification  {deoTToCrjcn^) 
was  widely  current  in  a  somewhat  vague  sense, 
often  scarcely  distinguishable  from  immortality.^ 
But  rash  inferences  were  sure  to  be  drawn,  such 
as  that  of  Methodius  that  ''  every  believer  must, 
through  participation  in  Christ,  be  born  as  a 
Christ".^  Developed  on  these  lines  the  con- 
ception of  personality  was  bound  to  become 
nebulous,  as,  e.g.^  in  Eckhart's  saying :  '^  If 
I  am  to  know  God  directly,  I  must  become 
completely  He,  and  He  I  :  so  that  this  He  and 
this  I  become  and  are  one  I ".  *  Paul  is  careful 
to  avoid  language  or  thought  of  this  type.  When 
he  approaches  it,  as,  e.g.j  in  Galatians  ii.  20,  he 
expressly  guards  against  possible  misunderstand- 
ing. Perhaps  the  reverence  born  of  his  unwaver- 
ing monotheism  was  a  determining  factor  of  his 

^  Christian  Mysticism,  p.  356  ff.  See  also  an  ingenious  sug- 
gestion in  G.  Murray's  Four  Stages  of  Greek  Beligion,  p.  39  f . 

2,0/.  Eohde, Psyche,''^  ii.,  p.  2  :  "He  who  among  the  Greeks 
says  '  immortal/  says  '  God '  ". 

^  Quoted  by  Inge,  op.  cit,  p.  359. 

*  See  E.  Underhill,  Mysticism,  p.  502. 


CONCLUSIONS  293 

position.  In  any  case,  he  never  permits  his  as- 
pirations to  carry  him  further  than  the  Divine 
eiKOip  into  which  believers  are  being  transformed 
(e.g.,  2  Cor.  iii.  18).  And  it  is  easy  to  exaggerate 
the  significance  of  the  language  he  employs  on 
that  subject. 

We  observed  in  chapter  iv.  how  difficult  it  was 
to  grasp  the  precise  nature  of  Paul's  conception 
of  the  ''  transformation  "  (/xera/io/x^oOcr^at).  The 
only  assertion  which  could  be  made  with  con- 
fidence was  that  we  must  guard  against  identi- 
fying it  with  the  magical  transmutation  of  essence 
central  for  the  Mystery-Religions,  as  Paul's  idea 
of  the  TTvevfjLa,  the  chief  factor  in  the  transforma- 
tion, is  essentially  moral.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  highest  relationship  to  God  recognised  by  the 
Apostle  is  that  of  *' children"  {reKva)  or  ''  sons" 
(vIol)  of  God.  "  You  did  not  receive  the  spirit 
of  bondage  again,  resulting  in  fear:  but  you 
received  the  spirit  of  adoption  {vloOea-ias)  where- 
by we  cry,  Abba,  Father.  The  Spirit  itself  bears 
witness  with  our  spirit  that  we  are  children  of 
God  "  (Rom.  viii.  15,  16).  Such  a  relationship 
is,  as  Lehmann  has  aptly  described  it,^  *'  personal, 
intimate ;  it  breathes  freedom  ;  it  is  conscious 
^Mysticism  (E.  tr.),  p.  105. 


294  CONCLUSIONS 

discrimination,  and  therefore  not  mysticism,"  in 
the  strict  sense  of  the  term. 

A  quite  arbitrary  emphasis  has  been  laid  by 
Schweitzer  on  the  eschatological  implicates  of 
Paul's  conception  of  union  with  Christ.  He 
rightly  contrasts  that  conception  with  the  notion 
of  the  Mystery-Religions,  that  the  living  man,  by 
means  of  gnosis  and  the  vision  of  God,  receives 
the  Divine  essence  into  his  being.  But  he  goes 
to  the  other  extreme  in  holding  that  Paul  attri- 
butes the  experience  of  transformation  to  what 
he  calls  "  a  world-process  ".  '*  As  soon  as  the 
individual  by  means  of  faith  and  baptism  enters 
into  this  new  cosmic  event  {GesGhehen)^  he  is 
immediately  renewed  and  receives  Spirit,  ecstasy, 
gnosis,  and  all  that  accompanies  them."^  We 
get  some  light  upon  the  meaning  of  this  extra- 
ordinary state  in  connection  with  Paul's  language 
as  to  "  dying  with  Christ  ".  Schweitzer  criticises 
Reitzenstein  for  holding,  as  every  unbiassed 
exegete  of  Paulinism  must  hold,  that  the  Apostle 
is  here  thinking  of  a  deliberate  identification 
of  himself  with  the  death  of  Christ,  which  in- 
volves the  breaking  off  of  relations  with  sin  and 
the  crucifying  of  the  natural  man.  Instead,  we 
1  Qeschichte  d.  Paulin.  Forschung,  p.  175. 


CONCLUSIONS  295 

are  told  that  Paul  is  not  concerned  with  an 
action  performed  by  the  believer.  His  concep- 
tion rather  is  that  ''at  the  moment  when  the 
individual  receives  baptism,  the  process  of  the 
dying  and  rising  again  of  Christ,  without  the 
believer's  co-operation,  without  any  exercise  of 
will  on  his  part,  without  any  reflection  of  his, 
starts  working  in  him  like  machinery  which  is 
set  in  motion  by  pressing  a  spring  ".^ 

This  grotesque  misconception  of  Paul's  religious 
standpoint  is  an  arresting  instance  of  the  results 
of  "  consistent  eschatology, "  and  warns  us  against 
approaching  the  Epistles  with  a  ready-made 
framework  into  which  their  thought  has  to  be 
forced.  Let  us  admit  without  hesitation  that 
Paul  has  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  glorious  con- 
summation of  the  future.  But  let  us  no  less 
carefully  recognise  that  for  that  future  he  has  no 
clear-cut  scheme  of  things.  Such  utterances  as 
Philippians  i.  23  :  "  having  the  desire  to  depart 
and  to  be  with  Christ,"  remind  us  that  his  es- 
chatological  forecasts  were  as  flexible  as  our 
own.  For  here  the  idea  of  the  Parousia  falls 
completely  into  the  background,  and  he  regards 
death  simply  as  a  passing  into  the  presence  of 
1  Op.  (yit,  p.  176. 


296  CONCLUSIONS 

the  living  Lord.  It  is  only  by  ignoring  many  of 
the  cardinal  elements  in  his  outlook  that  we  can 
find  the  clue  to  his  mysticism  in  those  magical 
and  mechanical  processes  which  Schweitzer  as- 
sociates with  the  transference  from  the  present 
to  the  coming  ^on.  How  far  the  Apostle  is 
removed  from  the  notion  of  a  salvation  which 
works  automatically,  appears  from  such  state- 
ments as  Philippians  iii.  11  :  ''if  by  any  means  I 
may  attain  unto  the  resurrection  from  the  dead. 
Not  that  I  have  already  obtained,  or  am  already 
perfect :  but  I  press  on  if  so  be  that  I  may  lay 
hold  on  that  for  which  also  I  was  laid  hold  on 
by  Christ  Jesus  "  ;  and  1  Corinthians  ix.  27  :  ''I 
beat  my  body  black  and  blue,  and  bring  it  into 
bondage,  lest  by  any  means,  after  having  preached 
to  others,  I  myself  should  be  rejected  ".  It  will 
take  a  bold  interpreter  to  assert  in  the  light  of 
these  and  many  similar  passages  that  in  Paul's 
view  there  was  no  co-operation  of  the  believer, 
no  exercise  of  will  on  his  part  in  the  matter  of 
participating  in  the  benefits  of  Christ's  death 
and  resurrection,  but  only  an  external,  super- 
natural machinery,  set  a-going  by  the  rite  of 
baptism. 
The  central  ideas  of  Pauline  eschatology  are 


CONCLUSIONS  297 

essentially  religious.  Take,  for  instance,  those 
which  are  most  intimately  linked  to  his  ex- 
perience of  mystical  union  with  Christ,  namely, 
life  and  salvation.  In  Romans  vi.  4-6  Paul  de- 
liberately interprets  the  ''  newness  of  life,"  which 
has  been  reached  by  communion  with  Christ, 
realised  with  peculiar  impressiveness  in  the 
solemnity  of  baptism,  as  the  norm  for  daily 
living  (ii/a  .  ,  .  iv  Kaivonqri  ^cu^?  TrepLwaTTjacofjiep), 
and  explains  it  as  "no  longer  serving  sin". 
Again,  in  Romans  viii.  6,  he  describes  '^  the 
mind  of  the  flesh  "  {i.e.,  the  earthly  nature  as 
insensible  to  God)  as  death,  while  "  the  mind  of 
the  Spirit  is  life  and  peace  ".  Beyond  all  question 
the  terms  "  death  "  and  "  life  "  have  direct 
eschatological  bearings.  But  their  content  is  in 
no  sense  exclusively  eschatological.  Paul  in- 
variably regards  "life  "  as  a  present  possession 
of  the  believer.  But  he  would  not  have  as- 
serted that  originally  he  possessed  a  natural  life, 
while  on  surrendering  himself  to  Christ  he  re- 
ceived a  spiritual  life.  The  new  life  is  a  renewal 
of  the  old  from  its  very  foundations.  It  em- 
braces the  physical  (to  use  our  distinctions)  as 
well  as  the  ethical  and  religious.  Its  only  con- 
trast lies  in  death.     Death  for  the  Apostle  means 


298  CONCLUSIONS 

the  ruin  of  the  whole  personality.  Life  in  Christ 
is  something  larger  than  existence  and  means 
the  triumphant  continuance  of  personality  be- 
yond the  barriers  of  earth  and  time,  in  conformity 
with  the  nature  of  the  glorified  Lord,  who  is  the 
image  of  the  invisible  God. 

The  same  considerations  apply  to  Paul's  con- 
ception of  salvation,  which  is  really  **  life " 
regarded  from  a  special  point  of  view.  It  is 
needless  to  cite  passages  which  reveal  the 
eschatological  colour  of  o-ayTrjpCa.  The  fact 
that  it  occurs  most  frequently  in  the  phrase  €15 
(T0)T7)piav,  where  it  is  a  goal  to  be  reached,  is 
proof  positive.  But  Paul  has  too  keen  an 
interest  in  the  demands  of  daily  life  to  defer  the 
reality  of  salvation  to  a  future  crisis.  Un- 
doubtedly like  eager  Christians  of  every  time 
he  delights  to  think  of  that  consummation  in 
which  the  hampering  conditions  of  material  ex- 
istence shall  be  surmounted.  It  is  absurd  to 
consider  as  a  pessimistic  aberration  his  passionate 
cry  :  ''  Who  shall  deliver  me  from  the  body  of 
this  death  ? "  Has  any  yearning  been  more 
perpetually  echoed  throughout  the  ages  ?  But  no 
one  was  ever  more  conscious  of  the  reality  of 
salvation    as  an  existing    fact    of   experience. 


CONCLUSIONS  299 

"God  was  pleased,'*  he  declares,  ''through  the 
foolishness  of  the  thing  preached  to  save  them 
that  believe  "  (1  Cor.  i.  21)  ;  "  There  is  therefore 
now  no  condemnation  to  them  that  are  in  Christ 
Jesus  "  (Rom.  viii.  1). 

Our  investigation  has  reached  its  limit.  If  it 
has  accomplished  anything,  it  has  simply  demon- 
strated afresh  that  in  St.  Paul  we  are  confronted, 
not  with  one  of  those  natures  which  is  content 
to  be  the  medium  of  the  spiritual  forces  of  its 
environment,  but  with  a  personality  which  has 
been  shaped  once  for  all  in  the  throes  of  a  tre- 
mendous crisis,  and  thenceforward  transforms 
every  influence  to  which  it  is  sensitive  with  the 
freedom  born  of  a  triumphant  faith. 


INDEX 


I.  SUBJECTS 


Akiba,  warning  of,  against  mys- 
steries,  45 ;  his  estimate  of  alle- 
gory, 51. 

Apocalyptic  thought,  relation  of,  to 
Rabbinic,  44. 

Archons,  24  f. 

Ascent  of  soul,  origin  of  idea  of,  42  ; 
in  Apocalypses,  42  f. ;  relation  of, 
to  2  Cor.  XII.  1  ff.,  174. 

Attis.     See  Cybele. 

ayvwala,  165-167. 

airaOavaTi<Tix6s^  110,  203. 

d7ro/caAui|/ty,  in  Paul,  172  f.,  286. 

Baptism,  as  a  mystery,  2,  233  ;  rites 
of,  in  ancient  religions,  229  ; 
alleged  association  of,  with  death 
in  Egyptian  papyrus,  231 ;  Paul's 
view  of,  held  to  be  magical,  233 ; 
secondary  place  of,  in  Paul,  235- 
238  ;  relation  of,  in  Paul,  to  dying 
to  sin,  244-247  ;  real  significance 
of,  for  Paul,  247-253  ;  for  the  dead, 
253  f . ;  summary  of  Paul's  view 
of,  254  f. ;  in  1  Cor.  x.  1  ff.,  267. 

Cabala,  relation  of,  to  Apocalypses, 

43. 
Commemoration,  feasts  of,  261. 
Communion    with     God,     through 

actual  mysticism,  7,  9 ;  through 

yvuxTis,  25 ;  in  O.T.  prophets,  36  ; 

in  relation  to  Divine  "  Name,"  55  ; 

idea   of,  found  in   all    Mystery- 


religions,  69  f . ;  by  partaking  of 
deity,  200  f.,  271 ;  by  possession 
or  ecstasy,  201  f. ;  by  revelation, 

203  ;  by  means  of  the  "  elements," 

204  f. ;  as  sacred  marriage,  205  ; 
through  voluntary  death  and  new 
bu'th,206-211 ;  in  sacrificial  meals, 
259.  See  Jesus  Christ,  Regenera- 
tion. 

Cross,  central  significance  of,  for 
Paul,  215,  218,  220,  221,  227,  246, 
270,  278,  279. 

Cybele  (Great  Mother),  as  associa- 
tion-deity, 75  ;  cult  of,  at  Rome, 
88 ;  relation  of,  to  Dionysus 
( —  Sabazius),  89 ;  Attis-ritual  in 
cult  of,  90 ;  Attis-mysteries,  90- 
93,  209,  210 ;  age  of  ritual,  93 ; 
Attis  as  vegetation-deity,  93,  94, 
213 ;  influence  of  Mithraism  on 
Cybele-Attis  cult,  94 ;  taurobo- 
lium,  94  f.,  211. 

Deification,  not  found  in  Judaism, 
50 ;  as  result  of  ypwais,  110,  163, 
178 ;  by  regeneration,  200 ;  in 
Liturgy  of  Mithra,  203 ;  in  Her- 
metic literature,  216 ;  Paul's  at- 
titude towards,  291  f. ;  in  Eastern 
Christianity,  292.  See  Regenera- 
tion, Transformation. 

Demons,  communion  with,  269, 272, 
278 ;  idea  of,  in  Paul,  272  f. ;  in 
Porphyrins,  273 ;  guests  of,  273. 


(301) 


302 


INDEX 


Dionysus,  frenzy  in  eult  of,  13  f., 
89  ;  prominence  of,  in  religious 
assooiations,  74 ;  affinities  of, 
with  Phrygian  deities,  74,  89 ; 
affinity  of,  with  Osiris,  75,  87,  98 ; 
at  Eleusis,  85  ;  oult  of,  at  Borne, 
89  n. ;  sacramental  elements  in 
cult  of,  257. 

Doresche  Beschumoth,  as  allegorical 
exegetes,  52 ;  mystical  tendencies 
of,  53. 

5J|a,  O.T.  basis  of,  191 ;  Paul's  use 
of,  192-194,  281;  alleged  con- 
nection of,  with  Egyptian  mys- 
ticism, 194  ff. ;  origin  of  Paul's 
idea  of,  traced  to  Persia,  194  n. 

SvvafjLis,  as  central  in  yvuxris,  25  ;  of 
God,  in  human  soul,  108,  203. 

ECKHART,  292. 

Ecstasy,  in  Paul,  32,  173  f.,  176, 
286,  290 ;  in  Philo,  66 ;  in  Suso, 
174  fE. ;  affinity  of,  to  ivdovaiaa-fxds, 
202;  test  of,  287.  See  Mystic- 
ism. 

Elemental  spirits,  in  Gnosticism,  24  ; 
in  Paul,  24  f. ;  redemption  from, 
25;  in  Judaism,  60;  Babylonian 
origin  of  idea,  60-62.   See  o-Totx^a. 

Eleusinian  Mysteries,  effect  of,  71  ; 
national  character  of,  81 ;  Fou- 
cart's  theory  of,  82  ;  description 
of,  83 ;  significance  of  ritual  in, 
83  f. ;  Bohde's  hypothesis  of,  84  ; 
Haios  in,  85  n. ;  deeper  sense  of, 
85,  86  f.  ;  connection  of,  with 
Dionysus,  86  ;  Thracian  influence 
on,  87. 

Eschatology,  relation  of,  to  Paul's 
mysticism,  295,  296 ;  central 
ideas  of  Pauline,  297. 

Esoteric  doctrines,  in  Jochanan,  b. 
Zakkai,  49 ;  basis  of,  in  Gen.  i. 
and  Ezek.  i.,  49  :  not  in  Paul,  128, 
129. 

Ezekiel,  as  sensitive  to  ecstatic  con- 
ditions, 37  f.,  286. 

flKa>v  (of  God),  relation  of,  to  o-w/to 
rrpevnaTiK6v,  189;    connection  of, 


with  8<J|o,  189  ;  as  goal  for  Paul, 

293. 
el/xapfjLevn,   in  Babylonian  theology, 

19 ;     in    Gnosticism,    24.       See 

Fate. 
ivdov<na<riJt.6s,  14,  201. 
€pws,  as  Orphic  term,  10. 

Faith.    See  Mysticism,  Paul. 
Fate,    tyranny    of,    in  Hellenistic 
religion,  19,  23,  198,  216. 

Gnosticism,  flexibility  of  term,  24, 
26 ;  essential  character  of,  25 ; 
relation  of,  to  Hellenistic  syncret- 
ism, 27,  29;  *•  vulgar"  type  of, 
28  ;  Persian  dualism  in,  29  ;  cen- 
sured by  Paul,  29  ;  as  channel  for 
Christian  influence  on  Paganism, 
64. 

God,  formula  of  relationship  to,  9  ; 
"hand"  of,  in  prophets,  34  f.  ; 
"knowledge"  of,  36;  mystical 
"name"  of,  54-56;  connection 
of  '•  name  "  with  Hellenistic  re- 
ligion, 56.     See  Communion. 

Hermes,  as  revealer,  106  ;  dialogue 
between,  and  Tat,  107  ;  character 
of  dialogue,  109  ;  in  Arcadia,  112. 

Hermetic  literature,  Egyptian  ele- 
ments in,  19;  "vulgar"  yvwcris 
in,  28  ;  connection  of,  with  Valen- 
tinian  Gnosticism,  64  ;  problems 
of,  103 ;  complex  strata  in,  104, 
109,  111 ;  Beitzenstein's  account 
of  origin  of,  105,  106,  111 ;  as  a 
revelation,  106  ;  spiritualising  of 
cult  in.  111 ;  theories  of  Cumont, 
Otto,  Zielinski,  as  to,  111,  112 ; 
estimate  of  theories,  113  ;  alleged 
acquaintance  of  Paul  with,  118 ; 
possible  influence  of  semi-Chris- 
tian Gnosticism  on,  167. 

Hippolytus,  on  connection  between 
Orphics  and  Gnosticism,  27. 

Initiation,  repetitions  of,  22 ;  Lord's 
Supper  not  a  feast  of,  277. 


I.  SUBJECTS 


303 


IsiB  (Osiris-Serapis)  cult,  date  of 
ApuleiuB'  account  of,  69 ;  wide 
diffusion  of,  75,  98;  relation  of 
Ptolemies  to,  75,  76,  96  f. ;  in 
Rome,  77,  98 ;  origin  of  Serapis, 
97  ;  Osiris-festivals,  97  ff . ;  as- 
similation of  initiates  to  Osiris, 
99 ;  fascination  of,  99 ;  funda- 
mental ideas  of,  99,  100 ;  descrip- 
tion of,  by  Apuleius,  100-102; 
religious  significance  of,  102, 
103. 

Jesus  Christ,  comparison  of,  with 
Mystery-deities,  211 ;  communion 
with,  in  Paul,  alien  to  Mystery- 
conceptions,  213-215,  220,  221  ; 
nature  of  communion  with,  for 
Paul,  221-223,  269-271,  290,  291 ; 
relation  of  communion  with,  to 
Spirit,  224;  ethical  character  of 
communion  with,  225,  277  ;  death 
and  resurrection  with,  in  Paul, 
225  ;  difference  of  content  in  this 
idea  from  Mystery-conceptions, 
227 ;  baptism  and  communion 
with,  in  Paul,  241 ;  communion 
with  body  and  blood  of,  269  ff., 
290.     See  Communion. 

Judaism,  influence  of  Paganism  on, 
57  f.,  61;  contact  of,  with  Ori- 
ental mysticism,  59  ;  pressure  of 
Babylonian  and  Persian  thought 
on,  60-62. 

KarayyiWuv,  meaning  of,  in  Paul's 
account  of  Lord's  Supper,  270. 

Kvpios  'Sa^acid,  relation  of,  to  Kvpios 
2a/3ciCtos,  58. 

Liturgy    of    Mithra,    difficulty    of 
p  dating,   69;   hymn   in,   108  n.  ; 
"*,  prosaic  elements  in,  110;  funda- 
• » mental  character  of,  114  n. ;  re- 
Jigeneration  in,  143,  146,  178;  de- 
ification in,  203. 
Lord's  Supper,  meaning  of,  for  Paul, 
262-279  ;  data  for  Paul's  view  of, 
263,264 ;  authoritative  pronounce 


ment  on,  in  1  Cor.  xi.  28  ff.,  274 
ff. ;  various  aspects  of,  275  ;  no 
magical  element  in,  for  Paul,  276; 
central  place  of  faith  in,  277  ff. 

Magic,  in  Egyptian  religion,  63; 
Jewish  elements  in  Egyptian,  63  ; 
in  Liturgy  of  Mithra,  110 ;  in 
Hermetic  literature,  112,  113 ; 
alleged  traces  of,  in  Paul's  idea  of 
sacraments,  233,  283. 

Manna,  comparison  of,  with  bread 
in  Lord's  Supper,  267. 

Methodius,  292. 

Mithraism,  114,  n. 

Mystery-religions,  scanty  evidence 
for,  68  ;  difficulties  as  to  chron- 
ology of,  69  ;  features  common  to, 
69  f. ;  influence  of  Greek  Mysti- 
cism on,  70 ;  wide  diffusion  of, 
72  ff.  ;  aim  of,  79,  199  ff. ;  Isis- 
ritual  typical  of,  102 ;  termin- 
ology of,  in  Paul,  117-120  ;  as  ele- 
ments of  Paul's  environment,  79 
f.,  115,  280  f. ;  crude  conceptions 
in,  200  ff.  ;  Loisy's  parallel  be- 
tween, and  Paulinism,  211  ff.  ; 
central  ideas  of,  different  from 
Paul's,  213-215,  219,  221,  223,  228, 
282.  See  Communion,  Deifica- 
tion, Regeneration,  Salvation. 

Mysticism,  astral,  6,  7  ;  in  earliest 
Hebrew  prophets,  33  f.  ;  in 
Psalms,  36  ;  in  relation  to  Jewish 
mind,  38,  47,  48  ;  in  Judaism,  43, 
47 ;  disparagement  of,  in  Rab- 
binism,  45 ;  connected  with 
famous  Rabbis,  60  ;  relation  of, 
to  allegorical  exegesis,  51 ;  in 
Paul,  31,  33,  223  n.,  284-293; 
common  suspicion  of,  284 ;  faith 
central  in  Paul's,  285,  288,  289 ; 
universal  phenomena  of.  32,  286  ; 
relation  of  Paul's,  to  his  conver- 
sion, 288 ;  ethical  quality  of 
Paul's,  289 ;  special  character  of 
Paul's,  290,  291 ;  limits  of  Paul's, 
291,  292  ;  eschatological  elements 
in  Paul's,  294  f. 


304 


INDEX 


fxiffrai,  associations  of,  73  f. ;  ideal 
of,  78  f.  See  Religious  associa- 
tions. 

fivcrr-fipiov,  in  LXX  and  Synoptics, 
123,  124 ;  in  Paul,  124-130  ;  used 
with  verbs  of  revealing,  128  ; 
reference  of,  to  Divine  purpose  for 
Gentiles,  126,  128  ;  eschatological 
strain  in,  128  f. ;  Gardner's  view 
of,  129 ;  relation  of,  in  Paul,  to 
TfAeioy,  130;  as  current  terms,  281. 

Nephesh,  relation  of,  in  Paul,  to 
t//i;X^,  157. 

yovs,  in  Hermetic  literature,  106  w., 
108,  112;  in  Paul,  138;  relation 
of,  to  iryevfj.a,  139 ;  affinity  of 
Paul's  use  of,  with  Hermetic  usage, 
149,  150,  281 ;  Paul's  use  of,  de- 
termined by  O.T.,  158,  159. 

Obiental  cults,  reverence  for,  in 
West,  20 ;  Aspersonal  religion,  21, 
87 ;  adherents  of,  21,  88 ;  funda- 
mental elements  of,  22 ;  as  Mys- 
tery-religions, 88. 

Orphism,  origins  of,  10 ;  theology 
of,  11  f. ;  relation  of,  to  Pytha- 
goreanism,  12,  13  ;  ecstasy  in,  15 ; 
cathartic  ritual  of,  16  f . ;  degra- 
dations of,  16,  71  f. ;  hymns  of, 
17 ;  relation  of,  to  Dionysus-cult, 
11,  13-15,  71 ;  Oriental  elements 
in,  16  f. ;  religious  aspirations  of, 
18. 

Osiris.     See  Isis. 

opyeuves,  72,  75. 

Paul,  Christianity  of,  as  Mystery- 
religion,  2  ;  his  knowledge  of 
Mystery-religions,  70,  79,  115  f . ; 
attitude  of,  to  Mystery-religions, 
116  f. ;  Eeitzenstein's  theory  of 
two-fold  personality  in,  145  f. ; 
comparison  of,  with  initiates,  146, 
147  ;  his  conception  of  Christ 
compared  with  Mystery-deities, 
213 ;  detachment  of,  from  ritual, 
234-238, 277, 282,283  f. ;  the  Spirit 


and  baptism  in,  238-240;  the 
Spirit  and  faith  in,  240  f. ;  faith 
central  for,  242-245, 277, 278,  283, 
284  ;  alleged  realistic  view  of 
Lord's  Supper  in,  261  f.  See 
Baptism,  Ecstasy,  Lord's  Supper, 
Jesus  Christ,  Mystery-religions, 
Mysticism. 

Philo,  relation  of,  to  Posidonius,  8  ; 
mysticism  of,  65-67. 

Plato,  references  of,  to  Orphism,  10, 
13  ;  mysticism  of,  291. 

Pneumatic  phenomena,  in  apocalyp- 
ses, 39-41 ;  current  in  all  ages,  41 ; 
in  Rabbinic  piety,  46  ;  in  Mystery- 
religions,  161. 

Posidonius,  influence  of,  6-9. 

Pseudo-Aristotle,  ircpl  KSafiov,  8. 

TTj/eC/io,  ethicised  by  Paul,  39,  159, 
287 ;  fundamental  uses  of,  in 
Paul,  136,  137  ;  contrasted  with 
(rdp^,  137,  154 ;  as  equivalent  to 
^vx'fi,  138 ;  Paul's  use  of,  as 
Hellenistic,  140 ;  in  Hellenistic 
Mystery-documents,  141, 142, 281; 
relation  of,  to  vovs  and  xf/ux-hi  in 
Mystery-religions,  151 ;  theory 
of  Oriental  influence  on,  152; 
Paul's  conception  of,  alleged  to 
be  animistic,  152  f.  ;  basis  of 
Paul's  idea  of,  in  O.T.,  155  ;  rela- 
tion of,  to  \pvx^,  based  on  O.T., 
156  ;  possession  by  Divine,  funda- 
mental for  Paul,  238.  See  Bap- 
tism. 

irvevfiaTiKSs,  relation  of,  in  Paul,  to 
reXeios,  135;  basal  meaning  of, 
in  Paul,  135,  136 ;  contrasted 
with  ypvxinos,  138  ;  Paul's  use  of, 
alleged  to  be  Hellenistic,  140  ;  in 
Mystery-literature,  142-144 ;  com- 
parison of,  in  Paul,  with  Mystery- 
usage,  147,  281 ;  criticism  of 
Eeitzenstein's  view  of,  in  Paul, 
148  f. ;  Paul's  view  of,  due  to  O.T., 
156  ;  in  Hellenistic  religion,  160 ; 
meaning  of,  in  1  Cor.  x.  3  f.,  268. 
■jrpoprjrai,  used  of  Egyptian  priests, 
35. 


I.  SUBJECTS 


305 


<Ihii)tI^€iv  ((pcoTifffiSs),  in  LXX,  197 ; 
in  Paul,  198. 

\I/vxik6s,  meaning  of,  in  Paul,  138 ; 
Paul's  use  of,  as  Hellenistio,  140 ; 
in  Mystery-literature,  142-144 ; 
comparison  of,  in  Paul,  to  Mys- 
tery-usage, 147  f. ;  use  of,  in 
Paul,  due  to  O.T.,  156. 

Regeneration,  idea  of,  in  all  Mys- 
tery-religions, 69  f. ;  in  Hermetic 
literature,  107,  108,  110 ;  in  Isis- 
mysteries,  209;  in  Cybele-Attis 
cult,  210  f. ;  comparison  of,  in 
Paul  and  Mystery-religions,  216, 
220  ;  through  baptismal  rites,  229. 
See  Transformation. 

Religious  associations,  evidence  for, 
in  inscriptions,  72  ;  rise  of,  72 ; 
predominance  of  foreigners  in,  73, 
77 ;  chiefly  in  commercial  centres, 
77  f. ;  spirit  and  influence  of,  78, 
81,  82 ;  as  part  of  Paul's  environ- 
ment, 79;  relation  of,  to  early 
Christianity,  80,  119. 

Revelation,  esoteric,  23 ;  in  Her- 
metic literature,  106,  108,  109. 

Ruach  of  Jahweh  (Elohim),  and 
prophecy,  34 ;  lack  of  emphasis 
on,  in  pre-exilic  prophets,  35 ;  in 
Ezekiel,  38  f. ;  ethioised  in  post- 
exilic  period,  39 ;  in  relation  to 
wisdom,  46  f. ;  relation  of,  in  Paul, 
to  iruevfia,  155,  157. 

Ruysbroek,  205. 


meals,    meagre    evi- 
in  Mystery-religions, 


Sacramental 
dence  for, 
256. 

Sacraments,  in  early  Church,  254, 
255,   278,  279. 

Sacrificial  meals,  aim  of,  258 ; 
danger  of,  for  Christians,  265, 
266;  Paul's  estimate  of,  269. 

Samothracian  Mystery-deities,  76. 

Salvation  (a-wTrjpla),  in  Cybele-Attis 
cult,  95  ;  as  aim  of  Mystery-re- 
ligions, 199,  216;    character  of, 

20 


in  Mystery-religions,  216  f. ;  in 
Paul,  217-219;  mediation  of,  in 
Paul,  219  f.  ;  not  exclusively 
eschatological  in  Paul,  298. 

Shechinah,  as  parallel  to  Holy 
Spirit,  48  ;  immanence  of,  52. 

Serapis.     See  Isis. 

Sethians,  alleged  Orphic  aflBnities  of, 
27. 

Spiritual  ♦•organism"  {a-wna),  in 
Paul,  184  f. ;  relation  of,  to 
Mystery-ideas,  186  f .  ;  relation  of, 
to  "  heavenly  garments,"  188  f. 

Stoicism,  as  popular  religion,  4 ; 
mystical  strain  in,  5. 

Suso,  175. 

Syncretism,  Hellenistic,  18  fE. ;  in 
Egypt,  19 ;  alleged,  in  Paul, 
30. 

ardp^,  disparaging  sense  of,  in  Greek 
writers,  137  n.  ;  basis  of  Paul's 
conception  of,  in  O.T.,  155. 

(TravpSs,  in  Valentinian  Gnosticism, 
23  n. 

arToixe7a,  in  Paul,  24  f.,  61.  See 
Elemental  Spirits. 

(rvveiSTja-is,  in  Paul,  158. 

Tat,  in  Hermetic  literature,  106, 
107  ;  prayer  of,  108. 

Taurobolium,  94  ff.,  208,  211. 

Terms  of  Mystery-religions,  in  Paul, 
117-120,  281 ;  as  involving 
mystery-ideas,  119  f. ;  groups  of, 
in  Epistles,  121,  282 ;  general 
significance  of,  for  Paul,  122  ;  in- 
accurate use  of,  212  f. 

Therapeutae,  syncretism  of,  59. 

Tongues,  speaking  with,  160. 

Transformation,  in  Mystery  cults, 
178  f.  ;  in  Paul,  180-183,  293; 
Schweitzer's  view  of,  294  f.  See 
Regeneration. 

T€\€ios,  relation  of,  in  Paul,  to  <ro^to, 
130  f. ;  use  of,  in  Plato,  131 ;  in 
Hermetic  writings,  132  ;  in  Philo, 
131,  133;  contrasted  by  Paul 
with  vfiirios,  132  f. ;  in'  Stoicism, 
133;  probable   meaning   of,   in 


306 


INDEX 


Paul,    133  f.  ;  in   LXX,    134 ;  as 
current  term,  281. 
eehs  ui/zio-Tos,  in  semi -Pagan  associa- 
tions, 58  n. ;  relation  of,  to_Sa- 
bazius,  75. 


eiaffoi,  73. 

Wheel  of  births,  12. 

Zagrbus,  in  Orphism,  11,  257. 


II.  AUTHOES. 


Abelson,  48,  52. 
AcheUs,  H.,  148. 
Anrich,  20,  216. 
Anz,  23. 

Bachbb,  45,  46,  49,  51,  54. 

Barth,  C,  23. 

Bartlet,  V.,  254. 

Bauer,  W.,  131. 

Bertholet,  45. 

Blass,  48,  50. 

Bohlig,  114,  159,  194. 

Bonhoffer,  158. 

Bousset,  4,  29,  42,  43,  50,  60,  62,  64, 

66,  170,  188. 
Br6hier,  66,  117. 
Bruckner,  M.,  206,  212,  216. 
Burnet,  J.,  10,  19. 

Capelle,  W.,  8,  137,  154. 

Charles,  188. 

Cheyne,  192. 

Clemen,  190. 

Conybeare,  F.  C,  59. 

Cornford,  F.  M.,  12,  204,  207,  208. 

Cumont,  6,  20,  22,  58,  62,  88,  94,  95, 

96,  111,  112, 118, 145, 188,  211, 

212,  230,  258. 

Deissmann,  195,  196,  222. 

Denney,  128,  221. 

Dieterich,  17,  24,  25,  42,  55,  63,  92, 
93, 187,  195,  201,  204,  205,  208, 
210,  211,  212,  222,  257,  261. 

DiU,  21,  77,  94,  100. 

Dillmann,  192. 

Dobschiitz,  Von,  249,  253,  279. 


Drexler,  98,  100. 
Duhm,  36,  192. 

ElCHHORN,  274. 

Eisele,  17,  89,  92,  94. 
Eisler,  16, 17,  82,  87. 
Erman,  63,  99. 

Fabnell,  85. 
Feine,  184. 

Foucart,  73,  74,  78,  82. 
Frazer,  J.  G.,  93,  98. 

Gall,  Von,  192. 

Gardner,  P.,  129,  216,  260. 

Graillot,  145. 

Gray,  G.  B.,  191. 

Gruppe,  58. 

Gunkel,  30,  40,  41,  44. 

Harnack,  26,  248. 
Harrison,  J.  E.,  10,  14,  16. 
Hatch,  127. 
Heinrici,  80,  119,  177. 
Heitmiiller,  152,  153,  222,  230,  238, 

242,  243,  245,  253,  254,  267, 

259,  264,  276,  283. 
Hepding,  68,  90,  92,  95,  208,  211, 

230. 
Holtzmann,  H.  J.,  237,  239,  262, 

278. 
Hubert,  63. 

Inge,  38,  145,  175,  205,  292. 


Jacob,  62. 

Jacoby,  A.,  79,  88,  108. 


(307) 


308 


INDEX 


Jong,  De,  34,  87. 
Jiilicher,  275. 

Kaerst,  J.,  72,  76. 
Klein,  53,  54,  55. 
Kohler,  K,  36,  59. 
Kornemann,  77. 
Krebs,  64,  107,  167,  196. 
KroU,  W.,  19,  28,  64,  67,  105,  113, 
132. 

Lake,  K.,  2,  212,  232,  233,  234, 
235,  236,  238,  244,  247,  262, 
265. 

Lambert,  237,  248,  250,  252. 

Lauterbach,  52,  53. 

Lehmann,  285,  291,  293. 

Lietzmann,  H.,  172,  230,  259,  265. 

Lightfoot,  135. 

Loisy,  2,  211,  215. 

Lueken,  251. 

MiLLIGAN,  232. 

Monceaux,  71. 

Murray,  G.,  12,  90,  93, 107,  212, 292. 

NoRDEN,  9,  27,  169,  167,  170. 

Otto,  W.,  19,  70,  111. 

PlLBIDEKEB,  223,  285. 

Pohlenz,  170. 
Poland,  F.,  73,  76,  78. 
Pringle-Pattison,  223. 

Ramsay,  Sir  W.  M.,  67,  68,  86. 
Reitzenstein,  19,  21,  33,  61,  63,  65, 

102,   104,  105,  106,  109,   110, 

et  passim. 


Rendtorff,  248,  263* 
R^ville,  J.,  273. 

Robinson,  H.  W.,  166, 156, 157, 368. 
Robinson,  J.  A.,  172. 
Rohde,  11,  34,  84,  85,  88,  89,  201, 
202,  292. 

SCHECHTEB,  47,  70. 

Schlatter,  45. 

Schmidt,  C,  56. 

Schiirer,  58. 

Schweitzer,  1,  90, 183,  213,  240,  261,  JL 

294,  296.  ^^  * 

Soden,  Von,  252. 
Sokolowski,  194. 
Stade,  192. 

Tambobnino,  272. 
Taylor,  A.  E.,  10,  13,  71. 

Undeehill,  E.,  120,  174,  176,  206, 
286,  287. 

VoLZ,  34,  36,  38,  39,  42,  47,  152, 
156. 

Wachsmuth,  115. 

Weinel,  220,   237,   261,   271,   283, 

288. 
Weiss,  J.,  129,  133,  134,  139,  160, 

172,  185,  186,  263. 
Wendland,  P.,  3,  26,  67,  120,  121, 

122,  174,  179,  187. 
Wernle,  246,  285. 
Wilcken,  97. 
Wobbermin,  86. 
Wiinsch,  69. 

Zielinsei,  28,  112,  160. 


III.   BIBLICAL  KEFEKENCES 


I.  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Genesis— 

Isaiah— 

I.        .        .        . 

.       45 

VIII.  11 

. 

35 

I.  27  (LXX) 

.     190 

XI.  2    . 

. 

171 

Deuteronomy — 

XV.  17. 

, 

35 

vm.  3 

.     268 

XXVI.  9 

, 

157 

XXX.  14 

36 

XXYT.    3 

, 

155 

xxxn.  17  (LXX)  . 

.     269,  273 

XL.  6     . 

. 

155 

Judges — 

XL.  13  . 

. 

139 

VI.  34 . 

.     189 

LXI.   If.. 

. 

156 

1  Samuel — 

Jeremiah— 

X.  5,  6,  10  . 

.       33 

XV.  19. 

. 

35 

XIX.  20,  24  . 

.       33 

xvn.  5 

, 

156 

2  Kings— 

Ezekiel— 

in.  15 

.       34 

I.         .        .        . 

, 

46 

XVII.  27,  28 

.     197 

II.  2     . 

*       37, 

155 

1  Chronicles — 

n.  9  ff. 

, 

38 

XXV.  8 

.     134 

vm.  3 . 

. 

37 

Job— 

XI.  19  . 

. 

156 

IV.  13  f.       . 

.       46 

XXXVI.  26      . 

.     155 

156 

IV.  15  . 

.     155 

Daniel— 

Psalms— 

1.8      ..         . 

, 

44 

xvm.  8  (LXX)     . 

.     197 

n.  18  (LXX)        . 

, 

124 

XXVI.  1  (LXX)      . 

.     197 

Hosea— 

LI.  11  . 

.       36,  156 

n.  20  . 

.      36 

171 

LVI.  4  . 

.     155 

Amos — 

Lxxm.  23-26 

.        .       36 

III.  8   . 

. 

35 

Lxxvn.  2,  3 . 

.     157 

Zechariah — 

LXXXIV.  2       . 

.     155 

vn.  12 

. 

156 

cxxxn.  9 

.     189 

Malachi— 

Proverbs — 

I.  12  (LXX) 

. 

269 

n.  6    . 

.     171 

IL  NEW  TESTAMENT 

Matthew— 

Luke — 

xm.  11 

.     124 

vni.  10 

, 

124 

Mark— 

Acts— 

IV.  11 . 

.     124 

XIX.  18,  19  . 

. 

30 

(309) 


310 


INDEX 


Romans — 
I.  9     . 
1.16   . 
I.  18-32 
m.  5-8 

IV.  25. 

V.  1  . 
V.  5     . 

V.  8-10 

VI.  1  ff. 
VI.  3  ff. 
VI.  4  . 
VI.  6  . 
VI.  10  ff. 
vn.  4  . 
vn.  10 
vn.  14 
vn.  25 
vni.  1. 
vin.  6. 
vm.  9. 
vm.  9, 10 
vin.  12 
VIII.  13 
VIII.  15 
VIII.  16 
vin.  18 
vm.  23 
vm.  29 
vm.  30 

X.  17    . 

XI.  25  . 
XI.  34  . 
xn.  2  . 

1  Corinthians — 
I.  17,  18 
1.21    . 

I.  23  . 

II.  1-10 
n.  4,  5 
11.  6  ff. 
II.  7  . 
II.  10-16 

II.  11  . 
n.  16  . 
in.  1  ff. 
ni.  3  . 

III.  4  . 

IV.  1  . 


.  137 
.  219 
.  166 
.  233 
.  277 
.  242 
.  219 
.  218 

233,  245 

237,  297 
.  193 
.  226 
.  243 

226,  243 
.  156 
.  135 
.  139 
.  299 
.  297 
.  238 

136,  289 
.  218 
.  225 

224,  293 
137,  219,  293 
.  193 
.  180 

180,  190 
.  197 
.  240 

124,  128 
.  139 

139,  182 

.  235 
.  299 
.  128 
.  129 
.  241 
121,  133 
.  128 
.  135 
.  138 
139,  140 
132,  135,  144 
.  148 
.  149 
.  126 


1  Corinthians-~cow<. 

IV.  15 241 

V.  4,  5 

.  '  .  140 

VI.  11 . 

.  252 

VI.  15-17 

.  171 

VI.  17 

137,  224 

vn.  11 

.  119 

vn.  14 

.  153 

VIII.  3 

.  172 

vra.  6 

9 

vra.  10 

.  265 

IX.  19,  22  . 

.  117 

IX.  27 

.  296 

X.  1   . 

.   54,  235 

X.  1-4 

.  261 

X.  1-5  . 

.  263,265 

X.  3ff. 

.  135 

X.  14-22   . 

26 

3,  268,  277 

X.  16  . 

.  290 

X.  18  . 

.  271 

X.  21  . 

.  259 

XI.  7  . 

.  189 

XI.  17-34  . 

.  263 

XI.  23  ff.   . 

263,  274 

XI.  26  . 

270,  290 

XI.  27,  30  . 

.  276 

xn.  1  ff.   . 

.  161 

XII.  2  . 

.  119 

xn.  10 

.  172 

xn.  11 

.  239 

xn.  14 

.  119 

xni.  2 

.  168 

xin.  10 

.  133 

xni.  13 

.  239 

XIV.  1  ff.   . 

.  135 

XIV.  2  . 

125,  176 

XIV.  6,  29,  3( 

)   . 

.  172 

XIV.  13  ff.  . 

.  139 

XIV.  20 

.  132 

XIV.  37 

.  136 

XV.  29 

.  253 

XV.  34 

.  165 

XV.  44 

135,  181 

XV.  49 

184,  189 

XV.  50 

.  184 

XV.  51 

12 

5,  128,  185 

XVI.  8 

.  168 

2  Corinthians— 

m.  8  . 

. 

. 

.  193 

III.  BIBLICAL  EEFEEENCES 


311 


2  Corinthians 

— cont. 

III.  13  f. 

. 

m.  17 . 

. 

in.  18. 

.      180,  181, 

IV.  2,  3 

,        ,        , 

IV.  3,  4 

,        ,        , 

IV.  4    . 

. 

IV.  4,  6 

. 

IV.  16  . 

. 

v.  1,2 

.         . 

V.  3     . 

•        • 

V.  4,  5 

. 

V.  5     . 

. 

V.  13   . 

V.  14,  15 

V.  14,  18 

V.  17    . 

V.  20   . 

. 

vn.  1  . 

^ 

xn.  1  ff.       . 

32*  33,  44, 

Galatians— 

1.16    . 

n.  19  . 

n.  19,  20 

n.  20    146, 

219,  222, 270, 

ra.  2  . 

ra.  26 

m.  27 

IV.  3,  9 

IV.  8,  9 

V.  22  f . 

VI.  1  f. 

VI.  14  . 

Ephesians— 

I.  9  ff.  . 

. 

I.  13    . 

I.  17    . 

I.  18    . 

I.  21    . 

ra.  1  ff. 

IV.  13,  14    . 

V.  26  . 

V.  32   . 

VI.  12  . 

VI.  19  . 

.  182 
.  224 

189,  293 
.  182 
.  182 
.  190 
.  197 
.  182 

184,  185 
.  185 
.  181 
.  149 
.  176 
.  219 
.  220 

220,  288 
.  128 
.  138 

173.  286 


.  242 
277,  289 
.  240 
.  249 
.  188 
61,  169 
24,25 
.  148 
.  149 
.  226 

127,  128 
240 
172 
197 
56 
126 
132 
251 
127 
135 
127 


Philippians — 

I.  19  . 

I.  23  . 

in.  8-10 

m.  9  . 

ra.  10 

m.  12 

m.  15 

m.  21. 

IV.  2  . 

IV.  8    . 
Colossians — 

1.11  . 

1.15  . 

I.  21  f. 

I.  25  ff. 

I.  27  . 

II.  2  . 
n.  8,  20 
n.  11  . 
n.  11,  12 
n.  13  . 
n.  14,  15 
n.  20  . 

III.  3  . 
nr.  10 

IV.  3  . 

1  Thessalonians- 
II.  12  . 
u.  13  . 

V.  4ff. 

2  Thessalonians- 
1.9      . 
n.  6-8 
n.  7    . 

Hebrews — 

VI.  6    . 
1  Peter— 

n.  15  . 
Judel9  . 

Apocalypse — 
XIV.  18 
XVI.  5 


182, 


217 
295 

169,  222,  243 
277 
J,  227 
133 
133 

180,  184,  189 
130 
116 

193 

190 

226 

126,  128 

193 

79,  126 

61 

244 

250 

247 

227 

29,  226 

224 

189 

127 

193 
241 
165 

193 
127 
129 

276 

166 
138 

60 
60 


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